duminică, 8 septembrie 2019

On the pedestrian street of Chisinau a unique monument has been placed! Photo

In 2017, the inhabitants of the city of Chisina had a special surprise for the City Hall. On the pedestrian street Eugen Doga in Chisinau, a monument of the lovers appeared.

The work belongs to the sculptor Pavel Obreja and depicts two lovers: he waits for his girlfriend under a lantern with a bouquet of flowers; she hurried to reach him, barefoot, with shoes in her hand.


Several images of the new sculpture appeared on social media.

The last thing the young sculptor thought about, Pavel Obreja, when he was grinding the statues that embody the lovers, was that his work would be considered a sexist work, humiliating for the representatives of the beautiful sex. This is why the sculpture consisting of two elements, one „he” and one „she”, declared by some „monument of the lovers”, was made dust by feminists. According to them, the woman appears in the hypostasis in which she kneels in front of the man, runs at the tip of her fingers, good and servile, when meeting him. Feminists believe that the dignity of women is being undermined.

"It is a sequence from a scene of meeting two lovers, a frame stop, 2 seconds up to the long-awaited moment of both. Both young men do this voluntarily, he waits for the fixed time, she accepts the meeting and wants to surprise him, feeling free and allowing himself to get off his shoes so he can not be heard by the boy. In addition, it's a bit difficult to pedestrianize in heeled shoes.

He thought she was late, but in reality it wasn't. So we have a sculptural group that represents this pleasant feeling, those butterflies in the stomach that everyone who has gone through such moments know and cannot convey a message other than that of love. The message is addressed mainly to young people. Life is short, we have to create families and how to start everything other than that ... with romantic dating, full of positive emotions?”


What does Pavel Obreja think about the charges launched? And here we think it is appropriate to specify what „sexism” means. According to DEX, „sexism” means „sexual discrimination that works, as a rule, to the detriment of women and for men, at the individual, but also at the institutional level.”

We must mention that in the defense of the sculptor several public persons jumped - the director Viorel Mardare, the image adviser Cristian Saulea, the author and the psychologist Angela Stafii. The latter has presented some arguments for which the young woman in love can be considered an embodiment of independence, namely: „She comes when she wants, so she has the power of personal decision. She walks without shoes if she wants to. The fact that he has shoes with heels means that he works in a corporation at least, so that is normal with his career.”

En 2017, los habitantes de la ciudad de Chisinau tuvo una sorpresa especial para el Ayuntamiento (14 octubre). En la calle peatonal Eugen Doga en Chisinau, apareció un monumento de los amantes.

La obra pertenece al escultor Pavel Obreja y representa a dos amantes: espera a su novia bajo una linterna con un ramo de flores; ella se apresuró a alcanzarlo, descalzo, con zapatos en la mano.


Varias imágenes de la nueva escultura aparecieron en las redes sociales.

Lo último en lo que pensó el joven escultor, Pavel Obreja, cuando molía las estatuas que encarnan a los amantes, fue que su trabajo sería considerado un trabajo sexista, humillante para los representantes del bello sexo. Es por eso que la escultura que consta de dos elementos, uno „él” y otro „ella”, declarada por algún „monumento de los amantes”, fue hecha polvo por las feministas. Según ellos, la mujer aparece en la hipóstasis en la que se arrodilla frente al hombre, corre en la punta de sus dedos, buena y servil, cuando se encuentra con él. Las feministas creen que se está minando la dignidad de las mujeres.

„Es una secuencia de una escena de encuentro con dos amantes, una parada de cuadro, 2 segundos hasta el momento tan esperado de ambos. Ambos jóvenes lo hacen voluntariamente, él espera el tiempo fijado, ella acepta la reunión y quiere sorprenderlo, sintiéndose libre y permitiéndose quitarse los zapatos para que el niño no lo escuche. Además, es bastante difícil peatonalizar con zapatos de tacón.

Pensó que ella llegaba tarde, pero en realidad no fue así. Entonces, tenemos un grupo escultórico que representa este sentimiento agradable, esas mariposas en el estómago que todos los que han pasado por esos momentos conocen y no pueden transmitir un mensaje que no sea el de amor. El mensaje está dirigido principalmente a los jóvenes. La vida es corta, tenemos que crear familias y cómo comenzar todo lo demás ... ¿con citas románticas, llenas de emociones positivas?

¿Qué piensa Pavel Obreja sobre los cargos lanzados? Y aquí creemos que es apropiado especificar qué significa „sexismo”. Según DEX, „sexismo” significa „discriminación sexual que funciona, en general, en detrimento de las mujeres y los hombres, a nivel individual, pero también a nivel institucional”.

Debemos mencionar que en defensa del escultor saltaron varias personas públicas: el director Viorel Mardare, el asesor de imagen Cristian Saulea, la autora y la psicóloga Angela Stafii. Este último ha presentado algunos argumentos por los cuales la joven enamorada puede considerarse una encarnación de la independencia, a saber: „Ella viene cuando quiere, por lo que tiene el poder de la decisión personal. Ella camina sin zapatos si quiere. El hecho de que tenga zapatos con tacones significa que trabaja en una empresa al menos, así que eso es normal en su carrera”.

The information was preluated from the site agora.md and unica.md

sâmbătă, 7 septembrie 2019

In the village of Bădiceni takes place the Moldovan Rug Festival / En el pueblo de Bădiceni tiene lugar el Festival de la alfombra moldava

For the first time, in the Soroca district, the Moldovan Rug Festival will take place. The event with the generic Rostar aims to anonymously remove the Moldovan rug and promote it as a national value; promoting the manual weaving of the carpet for authentic reasons.

In the village of Bădiceni takes place the Moldovan Rug Festival 

The Moldovan Carpet Festival is organized by the Culture and Tourism District Department in collaboration with the village of Bădiceni village, where the event will take place. The village of Bădiceni is not by chance the host of this festival. At the time, the tradition of handmade carpet weaving was very popular among the households in the village, and in each house there were tissue stacks.
The program of the festival will include a parade of the popular port, an exhibition of carpets and handicraft works of the folk craftsmen, a manual weaving workshop, concert with the participation of the artistic groups from the Soroca district. The popular music performer, Tamara Coșciug, will perform in the recital.

The event will take place on September 8, starting at 10.00. Access is free for all who wish.

Carpet festivals are also organized in other districts of the country, among which are the Râșcani and Orhei districts.

Por primera vez, en el distrito de Soroca, tendrá lugar el Festival de la alfombra moldava. El evento con el genérico „Rostar tiene como objetivo eliminar de forma anónima la alfombra moldava y promoverla como un valor nacional; promoviendo el tejido manual de la alfombra por razones auténticas.

El Festival de la Alfombra Moldava está organizado por el Departamento del Distrito de Cultura y Turismo en colaboración con el pueblo de Bădiceni, donde se llevará a cabo el evento. El pueblo de Bădiceni no es por casualidad el anfitrión de este festival. En ese momento, la tradición del tejido de alfombras hecho a mano era muy popular entre los hogares de la aldea, y en cada casa había pilas de pañuelos de papel.

El programa del festival incluirá un desfile del popular puerto, una exhibición de alfombras y artesanías de artesanos populares, un taller de tejido manual, un concierto con la participación de grupos artísticos del distrito de Soroca. La popular intérprete de música, Tamara Coșciug, actuará en el recital.

El evento tendrá lugar el 8 de septiembre, a partir de las 10.00. El acceso es gratuito para todos los que lo deseen.

También se organizan festivales de alfombras en otros distritos del país, entre los que se encuentran los distritos de Râșcani y Orhei.

News written by Soroca district newspaper, Observatorul de Nord.https://observatorul.md/

General presentation
Bădiceni is the village of residence of the commune of the same name in the district of Soroca, Republic of Moldova. The village itself has an area of about 3.57 square kilometers and a population of 3238 inhabitants (according to the 2004 census). The town is located at a distance of 20 km from the town of Soroca and 182 km from Chisinau. The village of Bădiceni was mentioned documentary for the first time in 1599.
At the 2004 census, the population of the village constituted 3238 people, of which 49.32% - men and 50.68% - women. Ethnic population structure in the village: 98.39% - Moldovans, 0.31% - Ukrainians, 0.37% - Russians, 0.03% - Gagauzians, 0.06% - Bulgarians, 0.77% - Gypsies, 0.06% - other ethnicities.

According to the 2004 census data, the population of Bădiceni commune consisted of 3391 people, of which 49.13% - men and 50.87% - women. Ethnic composition of population in the commune: 98.23% - Moldovans, 0.44% - Ukrainians, 0.44% - Russians, 0.03% - Gagauzians, 0.06% - Bulgarians, 0.74% - Gypsies, 0.06% - other ethnicities.

In the village of Bădiceni there were 1108 households in 2004, and the average size of a household was 2.7 persons.

Presentación general
Bădiceni es el pueblo de residencia de la comuna del mismo nombre en el distrito de Soroca, República de Moldavia. El pueblo en sí tiene un área de aproximadamente 3.57 kilómetros cuadrados y una población de 3238 habitantes (según el censo de 2004). La ciudad se encuentra a una distancia de 20 km de la ciudad de Soroca y a 182 km de Chisinau. El pueblo de Bădiceni fue mencionado documental por primera vez en 1599.
En el censo de 2004, la población de la aldea constituía 3238 personas, de las cuales 49.32% - hombres y 50.68% - mujeres. Estructura de la población étnica en el pueblo: 98.39% - Moldavos, 0.31% - Ucranianos, 0.37% - Rusos, 0.03% - Gagauzianos, 0.06% - Búlgaros, 0.77% - Gitanos, 0.06% - otras etnias.

Según los datos del censo de 2004, la población en la aldea de Bădiceni constituía 3391 personas, de las cuales 49.13% - hombres y 50.87% - mujeres. Composición étnica de la población en la comuna: 98.23% - Moldavos, 0.44% - Ucranianos, 0.44% - Rusos, 0.03% - Gagauzianos, 0.06% - Búlgaros, 0.74% - Gitanos, 0.06% - otras etnias.

En el pueblo de Bădiceni había 1108 hogares en 2004, y el tamaño promedio de un hogar era de 2.7 personas.
(The source of the general information of the village is wikipedia.orghttps://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/B%C4%83diceni,_Soroca.

marți, 27 august 2019

Happy Independence Day, Moldova! On 27th August 1991, Republic of Moldova proclaimed itself the independence from Soviet Union


The Declaration of the Independence was adopted by Parliament by the vote of 276 deputies (74% from the total of 371) on 27 August 1991, the day which in the Center of city Chisinau was convocated a  Great National Assembly. Following it, Republic of Moldova has become a sovereign and independent state.
The map of Moldova and the biggest cities of the country

The day of 27 august was choosed to coincide with 27 August 1989, when was the First Great National Assembly who launched the desire for sovereignty and independence.
In the same day, independence of Republic of Moldova was recognized by Romania. Rusia recognized the independence of Moldova just in 8 December 1991.
The GreatNational Assembly from 27 August 1989 was a meeting that was held in Victoria Scuare (nowadays The Geat National Assembly), in the context of the national rebirth movement of the late 1980s from the Moldovan RSS.About 750,000 people participated (about 1/6 of the then population of the republic).At the meeting, it was requested to declare the Romanian language as a state language in the SSR, as well as the transition to the Latin spelling.
Under the impulse of the Great National Assembly, in two days, on the 29 August 1989, opned the works of the 13th session were opened of the Supreme Soviet of RSSM, who which lasted until September 1st.  In the reslt of some intense debates had with the oponents of the Suprem Soviet, the Romanian-speaking deputiesthey succeeded in imposing the Romanian language as the state language and adopting the Latin alphabet. The most heated discussions took place on August 31, when most of the legislation on the state language and alphabet was also voted. Subsequently, on August 31, it was declared a national holiday in the Republic of Moldova.

Street 31 August 1989 from Chișinău
In city Chisinău it is a street named 31 August 1989 in memory of August 31, 1989, date which Republic of Moldova the Romanian language was made official. This event was preceded by Great Nacional Assemblea from Chișinău on 27 August, 1989.  The participants in the Assembly adopted the text of an Appeal to session of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Moldova,what was to be debated the issue of official language. The high popular forum demanded the constitution in the Constitution „of the status of official language and language of interethnic communication in the territory of R.S.S.M. for Moldovan language based on Latin spelling...” As a result, The Supreme Soviet adopted the package of laws regarding the state language in R.S.S.M., article 70 of the Constitution of R.S.S.M. Was supplemented with the following words: „The state language of R.S.S. Moldovan is the Moldovan language. The state language is used in the political, economic, social and cultural life and operates on the basis of Latin spelling ”.
Actually, we speak Romanian language. Moldovan language was the name given to the Romanian language in Soviet Moldova, a name used after the proclamation of independence in Article 13, paragraph 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova, in the Filipino and „Moldovan” circles wishing to create a local „national consciousness”. specific to Romanians from the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine, introducing a linguistic, ethnic and socially artificial split among Romanians, respectively among Moldovan Romanians, between those in Romania (Western Moldova) and those in the current CIS (successor to the Soviet Union).
Currently, at the official level, although the „Moldovan language gloton is preserved in Article 13 of the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova, the Constitutional Court considered in 2013 that this article has a lower legal value than the Declaration of Independence, and that by consequently the official language of the Republic, as an independent state, is the „Romanian language”, the adjective „Moldovan” being an alternative name without obligation to use.
Now, on the street 31 August 1989 is Ministry of Foreigh Affair, Ministry of Justice, The Trade Unions House, UNDP representation, UNICEF representation, National Library, Writers' Union, National Museum of Fine Arts, National Museum of History of Moldova, study blocks of the State University of Arts, swimming pool of the National Institute of Physical Education and Sports, Buiucani Prosecutor's Office and „Victoriabank”.


Every year, on Great National Assembly and Central Park the authorities organize different cultural activities.


The sources of the information and photos:
moldova.org, Lonly Planet,

luni, 26 august 2019

How to understand Transnistria: a short summary and history

The territory of the Republic of Moldova from the Left Bank of Dniestcr River has belonged to the Carpathian - Danube - Black Sea area from geographical, ethnocultural and historical point of view since ancient times. The population of the Left Bank of Dniestcr River participated along with that one from the Right Bank in the same historical processes since immemorial times, notably since the Neolithic Cucuteni-Tripolie civilization has bcen creatcd in the area. Cucuteni-Tripolie pre-ceded the emergence of the great European civilization of Thracians in the 8 h century B.C. Known as Getae by the Greeks and Dacians by the Romans, the Getae-Dacians branch of Thracians lived in the North Danube territory in various tribal unions, unified for the first time in a common kingdom by Burebista in 82-44 B.C., which included also a part of present day Transnistria. 

As a result of wars betvveen Dacians and Romans in 101-102 and 105-106 years A.D., Dacia is conquered and becomes a Roman province of Dacia. In conscquence, the Getae-Dacians inside the province as well as those outside it, witnessed a process of Romanization. Beginning with the invasion of Huns in 376 A.D. the Romanized Getae-Dacians have been confronted with several migratory waves, including the Slavic one in the 6th century A.D. The Slavic tribes infiuenced the material, social and cultural life of local population, including from the Transnistrian region, but they didn’t changed its Romanized char-acter as a whole. As a result of the symbiosis between local and migratory tribes, the Romanian people and language have bcen creatcd basically during 6lh-9lh centuries (known by foreigners as Vlachs, Volochs, Blachs etc.). During llth-13lh centuries there were various proto-states in the territories inhabited by Romanians, including one called the “land of bolohovenians” (or Vlachs, i.e. Romanians). Only the States of Moldova and Walachia succeeded in preserving their individuality. In the early period of the crcation of Moldavian medieval state, the territories from the Left Bank have been under the influence of Moldavian princes. In 1387 the Moldavian-Polish border is established along the Dniester River. As the Polish-Lithuanian authority has been sometimes very weak in the region, Moldavian princes intervened directly on various occasions on the Left Bank. In 16"' - 17,h centuries the Transnistrian territory has been often devastated as a result of almost permanent fighting between Polish and Tartars armies as well as campaigns of Cossacks inhabiting the Southern borderlands of Poland. Finally the Polish-Ottoman border along the Iagorlâc River, an affluent of Dniester River, has been established in 1634. The territory situated in the south of Iagorlâc has been administered by the Khanate of Crimea.
In 1672 the Ottomans are conqucring Podolia, which is given for adminis-tration to the prince of Moldavia Gheorghe Duca. In 1683-1703 Camenca, Raşcov and other localities from the Left Bank are under the Moldavian administration. In spiţe of the political instability in the area, the Romanian population from the Left Bank continued to be in economic, social, political and cultural relations vvith their brethren from the Right Bank.

As a result of the Russo-Turkish war of 1787-1791, since 1792 the terri-tory situated on the south of Iagorlâc has been annexed by Tsarist Empire. In the next year, following the last division of Poland between Great Povvers, the territo-ries North of Iagorlâc passes also to Russia. After another Russo-Turkish war, that of 1806-1812, Russian Empire occupies the Eastern part of Moldavian Principality (1812), by naming it Bessarabia. In this way, since early 19th century both the Left and Right Bank, populated in majority by Romanian population, came under the same political entity. Between 1819 and 1827 the Orthodox Christians from the Left Bank have been included under the authority of archbishop of Chisinau and Hotin. Since 1830s however, as in Bessarabia, the process of Russification in Transnistria is accelerating. The Transnistrian area is changing its ethnic composition, as a result of a large influx of Ukrainians, Russians, and Germans. Both Transnistria and Bessarabia are becoming internai colonies of Tsarist Empire. In late 18th century about 50 per cent of the population of Oceacov region has been Romanian, but in the 19th century only the localities neighboring Dniester River prescrved almost the same ethnic composition. In spiţe of this proccsses, the local Romanians strive to keep its language, naţional traditions, folklore and so on. The Union of Western Moldavia and Walachia in 1859 creates the modem Romanian state and anticipates the fulfillment of naţional unity of Romanian lands in 1918. The Romanian popula tion from the Left Bank became a part of this modernizing process in naţional sense latter on and only slowly, as a result of particular conditions during past centuries. The Russification of Bessarabia contributed further to the isolation of Transnistria from the process of naţional revival witnessed by Western Moldavia and other Ro manian provinccs. The local intelligentsia has been educated in the spirit of Russian culture and thus fails to be socialized according to the values and traditions, litera-ture and art of Romanian nation. The local Romanian population from the Left Bank preserved their seif identification as Moldavians, perpetuating the medieval way of identification based on state or regional allegiance and identification. The modem ethno-national identification came lately and local Romanians continued to identify themselves as Moldavians also because they kept in this way the memory that they came from the Moldavian Principality (or the memory that they have been for certain periods under the authority of Moldavian princes as in the late 17,h century). This was true also related to their local idiom called traditionally Moldavian.

The 1905-1907 Russian Revolution created favorable conditions for the naţional movement in Bessarabia and also in Transnistria. In 1907 the diocese Congress of Podolia votes for the introduction of Romanian language in the schools and churches in Moldavian inhabited villages. In the context of February 1917 revolution and abdication of the Tsar, the Moldavian/Romanian naţional movenient witnesses a great upheaval both in Bessarabia and on the Left EJank. On the 21sl of Novcmber 1917 a local parliament in Chisinau called Sfatul Ţării (National Council) reserves 10 seats for deputies representing the Transnistrian Moldavian/Romanian population. A special event in this rcgard was the establishment of the Congress of Moldavians from the Left Bank (December 17,h-18,h 1917). The Congress decided on a wide range of problems, notably the setting up a of naţional education system based on Moldavian/Romanian language. It was also envisioned a National Assembly of Transnistrian Moldavians from Herson and Podolia region which had to decide the union with Bessarabia. Fur-ther political developments in Ukraine, civil war and the establishment of the Bolshe-vik rcgime hindered and finally rendered impossible the Assembly to be convoked as envisioned initially.

After 1918 when Bessarabia unites with Romania, the democratization of the Right Bank influences positively the Transnistrian Romanians. The Soviets how-ever tried to internationalize the “Bessarabian question” by establishing a Moldavian Autonomous Republic on the Left Bank in October 1924, a decision taken by the Ukrainian Executive Committee. A part of Ukrainian SSR, the western border of MASSR was considered to be the Prut River, with Chisinau as its capital. In other words, this project intended to bring closer culturally and linguistically the two sides of Dniester River and prepare a bridgehead to expansion of Communism in Romania and Balkans. This was true especially for 1932-1938 years when the Latin alphabet has becn introduced as part of the broader de-Russification of naţional languages in Soviet Union. After 1938 however the Romanianization process is stopped and the policy of late 1920s is rehabilitated, aimed at the creation of a separate Moldavian language out of the local Russified vemacular. Even though the Moldavian population of the MASSR comprised only one third of the total population, in this way Moscow recognized indirectly the right to naţional selfdetermination of local Romanian speaking population. The political and cultural elites were represented mainly by non-Romanians and after a brief indigenization process the Russification has been intensihed again. The local Romanian population witnessed with local Ukrainian, Russian, Jewish and other ethnic groups all the hardships of mass famine, forced collectivization and industrialization of early 1930s as well as the consequences of Great Terror of 1937-1938.

After the Soviet occupation of Bessarabia on June 28 1940, for more than a month the authority of MASSR (with capital in Tiraspol since 1929) has been expandcd to the Right Bank. Even though Soviet public opinion expected a formal union between MASSR and Bessarabia, the Supreme Soviet of USSR decided on August 2nd that only 6 out of 14 districts will be included in the newly created Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic. In this sense, geopolitica! interests of the Soviet Union took precedence over the official nationalities policy. Besides, the 8 rcmaining districts of former MASSR have been given back to Ukraine as well as the Southern Bessarabian Counties of Cetatea Albă, Ismail and a part of Hotin County in the North.

In June 1941 Romania has allied with Germany in the war against Soviet Union. After liberating Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina occupied a year before by Stalin, Romanian army under General Ion Antonescu decided to continue fighting beyond Dniester River along with German troops. In August 1941, Romania accepted to organize a civil administration in the area between Dniester and Bug Rivcrs, while military affairs rcmaining basically in German hands. The Romanian administration of war time Transnistria tried to organize the area in order satisfying the economic needs for the front. In naţional terms, the Government of Transnistria opened schools and churches and promoted Romanian language at all levels, by sustaining the publi-cation of literature, various newspapers and journals etc. It should be mentioned that Transnistria served as a graveyard for a part of Romanian Jews deported on the Left Bank by Antonescu. It was especially true about all Bessarabian Jews and practically all Bukovinian Jews as well as a part of Roma minority interned in Transnistria where more than a half died out of diseases, famine and inhuman treatment. As the Red Army continued its advance on the West, the province of Transnistria (never officially a part of Romania) has been abandoned in January-February 1944.

The Soviet reoccupation of Bessarabia in 1944 brought back the Communist regime of 1940-1941. The Soviet authority on the Left Bank has been entirely and immediately re-established: collective farms, re-nationalization of industry etc. in comparison with Bessarabian part where re-Sovietization took longer, basically till early 1950s. During immediate post-war years, there were a lot of Transnistrians Crossing Dniester River for seasonal or permanent work in individual farms (not yet collectivized), as a result of hardships imposed by Soviet kolkhozes on the Left Bank. The famine of 1946-1947 touched initially the Left Bank too, but afterwards Moscow and Chisinau authorities helped with grain the Transnistrian districts in order to save the prestige of the regime (if Soviets does not aid submissive Left Bank kolkhozniks, why bother to enter the kolkhozes, would thought Bessarabian peasants). After 1944, the Transnistrian interwar establishment dominated the po-litical, economical and cultural domains in Moldavian SSR. It was especially true till 1960s, when the Bessarabians no matter the ethnic allegiance, but especially of Romanian background, began to be promoted more and more in the higher posts at all levels, local and central.

From ethnic point of view, in 1944 the Romanians/Moldavians constituted 44,5 % of the Transnistrian population, decrcasing at 40 % in 1989 as a result of migratory policy of Soviet Union in the region as well as a direct consequence of Soviet nationalities policy (ethnic assimilation). From economic point of view, the Transnistrian districts have been privileged in the sense 10 % of the territory received around 30% of total investments in Soviet Moldavia up to late 1970-early 1980s. Nevertheless, regional developmcnts in Soviet Moldavia did not anticipate the conflict of late 1989-early 1990s.

The phenomenon of Transnistrean separatism has its origins in the politics of disunion and domination of the naţional republics (divide et imperal), promoted by the Soviet authorities from Moscow in the last ycars of Michael Gorbatchev’s perestroika, to determine them to remain inside the Soviet Union underway its re-newal and both dezagregat ion. Cutting off the Transnistrean separatist enclave, like the Găgăuz one too, in the former Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic territory, it is strongly attached to the name Anatoly Lukianov, head of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. With the political, economical, informaţional and military suppoil of Moscow, the separatist forces from Tiraspol succeeded in forming and anti-constitutional transnistrean republic” included a part of the right-bank of Nistru river (Bender) and claimed the status of subject of the USSR, excluding any kind of relationships with the MSSR. Once with the dissolution of the USSR, after the August 1991 putch from Moscow, openly supportcd by the separatist forces, the confrontation from the banks of Nistru river loses more and more its political and axiologica! character in the favour of a geopolitical one. The geopolitical Russian interest and Boris Eltsin’s Russia implication in this conflict is noticed with all the clarity during the Nistru spring-summer 1992 war, when Russian troops have participated openly to hostilities on the side of separatist forces. The Snegur-Eltin Convention from July 21, 1992 has put an end to all the hostilities, but in a certain way that has disadvantaged the naţional interests of the Republic of Moldova as independent state, subject of the internaţional law. Further, proposing a series of projects like Primakov’s Plan of the common state” (1997), the Kozak Memorandum of federalization of RM (2003), Russia followed to solve this conflict in favour of its own geostrategical and geopolitical interests. Moscow tries to keep its military presence on the naţional territory of the RM, disregard-ing the Moldavian Constitution and ignoring its own commitments asummed before the OSCE summit in Istanbul (1999) to withdraw its troops and ammunitions from the right bank of Nistru river by the end of the year 2002. The extension of the negociations format (2004) by inviting USA and EU to this process, but with the status of observers, together with Moldova, Russia, Ukraine, OSCE and the administration from Tiraspol, had somehow balanced the scales of interests in the region, creating some iniţial premises, for time-lasting settlement of the Transnistrean differend, according to the internaţional law. In 2005 the Moldovan Parliament adopted the Law concerning the fundamental stipulations of the special juridical status of the places from the left bank of Nistru river (Transnistria), that aimes to make impossible the future use of the Transnistrean enclave as a tool of state dismantling, to block the attempts to rcvive the Kozak Memorandum and to serve as shield to the Moldovan diplomacy to resist to the pressures that will pursue the sacrificing of the naţional interests of the Republic of Moldova.


The sourse of the image: wikiwand

vineri, 29 martie 2019

La primavera y el verano: las estaciones perfectas para visitar Moldavia. ¿Qué puedes ver en Moldavia en siete días? Algunas recomendaciones

La primavera y el verano son las estaciones perfectas para pasear en el aire libre y para los picnic. Pero y las estaciones perfectas para visitar nuestro país. Te recomiendo ocho lugares de la capital y del país, donde puedes admirar la naturaleza y puedes disfrutar de un almuerzo bajo el cielo azul con sus amigos.

Valea Morilor es uno de los parques amados por los habitantes de la capital. Eso fue establecido a la iniciativa de Leonid Brejnev, en el año 1950, y al inicio fue numbrado „El Parque Central de Cultura y Descanso del Comsomol leninista”. El parque esta situado en la orilla del lago Valea Morilor y esta situado sobre una superficie con un relieve variado, teniendo 4 entradas. El proiecto del parque fue elaborado bajo a la dirección del arquitecto Robert Kurz.
El parque Valea Morilor, la ciudad Chisinau

Entre los años 1944-1951 tuvo el puesto de arquitecto jefe de Chisinau. La actividad profesional de Robert Kurtz está relacionada con las tradiciones de la arquitectura popular moldava. Toda su vida se ha dedicado a la reconstrucción de esa ciudad.

La zona del parque ha constituido, al principio, alrededor de 114 hectáreas, el lago teniendo una area de 34 hectáreas. Una alameda redondo de una longitud de aproximadamente 2,5 kilometros. Cerca del parque hay el centro MoldExpo, ex „Exposición de los Resultados Económicos del MSSR”.

La Escalera de la cataratas del parque lleva 218 escalones y es la más larga que la famosa escalera de Potemkin de Odessa (que tiene 200 escalones). En los años 1970, alrededor del perímetro del lago habían tranvías pequeños con vagones para llegar más rápido al lugar del destino.

El parque Valea Trandafirilor, (se traduse el Parque de las Rosas), es un otro parque amado por los habitantes de nuestras ciudad.
El parque Valea Trandafirilor

El parque se extiende sobre un área de 145 hectáreas de las cuales 9 hectáreas de agua. Fue establecido en 1968 en el sitio de una colina cultivada con rosas, con parques donde estaban reforzandas las orillas del agua. La inauguración fue en 1969.

La marginea parcului, lânga strada Trandafirilor, se afla Memorialul victimelor de la Cernobîl si un parc de distractie, unicul din Chisinau în care functioneaza o roata panoramica.
En la otra parte del parque, a lado de la calle Trandafirilor, se encuentran el Memorial de las víctimas de Chernobyl y un parque de atracciones, el único en Chisinau con una rueda panorámica.


El parque Dendrariu
Fue fundada en 1973 en el sitio del antiguo Jardín Botánico de la Academia de Ciencias de Moldavia. Al principio tenía una superficie de 73 hectáreas, actualmente es de 77,809 hectáreas. Se encuentra en la parte occidental de Chisinau, en la valle del río Durlesti, entre las calles I. Creanga, V. Lupu, E. Coca y A. Sciusev. El estilo arquitectónico y de planificación del Dendrario es un paisaje con elementos insignificantes de paisajes regulares.

Dendrariu presenta más de mil tipos y formas de plantas leñosas.


El complejo del museo Orheiul Vechi se encuentra en el valle de Raut, un afluente del río Nistru, en el territorio de la comuna de Trebujeni en el distrito de Orhei de la República de Moldavia. La reserva cultural-natural Orheiul Vechi, que tiene un estatus especial y es el sitio cultural más importante en la República de Moldova, también está nominada para ser incluida en la Lista del Patrimonio Mundial de la UNESCO. El complejo consta de varias decenas de hectáreas de la ciudad medieval de Orhei (siglos XIII-XVI), más tarde llamada Orheiul Vechi (después de abandonar el asentamiento determinado y la fundación de una nueva ciudad con el mismo nombre de hoy, Orhei).
El parque nacional el Viejo Orhei

Los monasterios de la cueva de Orheiul Vechi representan un conjunto de vestigios de la cueva ubicados en las rocas de piedra caliza de Sarmacia en la valle del río Raut, en el territorio de la República de Moldavia en el área de las localidades de Trebujeni y Butuceni en el distrito de Orhei y Mascauti del distrito de Criuleni.
La iglesia desde el Viejo Orhei (Orheiul Vechi)

En los pueblos Trebujeni y Butuceni puedes caminar para ver como es un pueblo tipico moldavo. En estos dos pueblos encuentraras pensiones donde puedes comer la comida tradicional moldava.
El pueblo Trebujeni y el rio Raut


El Monasterio Curchi es un monasterio de monjes de la República de Moldavia, uno de los monumentos más importantes de la arquitectura bessarabiana. Se encuentra en los bosches del districto Orhei. Como conjunto arquitectónico se estableció en los siglos XVIII y XIX. Consta de cinco iglesias, dos edificios con celdas, una priorato, varias constructiones auxiliares, un hardin de arboles, una ermita a 500 m del Monasterio y una cuenca de piedra. La Iglesia „Nacimiento de la Madre de Dios”, construida en 1775 por Iordache Curchi, es un ejemplo de estilo neobizantino, y la iglesia „San Nicolás” (1808-1810) está construida en el estilo del clasicismo con elementos barrocos.
El monasterio Curchi

Todo el conjunto está rodeado por un alto muro de piedra. Durante el período soviético el monasterio fue transformado en un hospital psiquiátrico.

El Vadul Rascov, aunque es en la región de Transnistria, vale la pena visitarlo. Sube a las enormes rocas, admira el Dniéster desde la altura y observa la apuesta dell sol sobre Moldavia.

En cuanto a un picnic, puedes coger comida contigo o pedir a los habitantes de esa zona que intenta desarrollar el turismo local y tienen ofertas generosas para los visitantes.

La bodega Milestii Mici
El "Milestii Mici SOI Quality Winery" (abreviado CVC Milestii Mici) es un productor de vino de la República de Moldova. La bodega es conocida especialmente por más de 50 km de galerías subterráneas, convertidas en bodegas en el pueblo homónimo, ubicado a 30 km al sur de Chisinau. En septiembre de 2002, CVC Milestii Mici presentó sus colecciones de vinos en Estrasburgo en los locales de la Asamblea Parlamentaria del Consejo Europeo. A la presentación asistieron más de 500 parlamentarios europeos, que dieron una alta apreciación de los vinos de Milestii Mici..

El monasterio Tipova
El monasterio Tipova es un monasterio de cuevas en Moldavia. Está situado en la margen derecha del río Nistru, cerca del pueblo de Tipova, en el distrito de Rezina. La iglesia se remonta a los siglos XVI-XVII. Se encuentra a una distancia de 40-50 km de la capital de Chisinau y se encuentra en una costa escarpada a una altura de 100 metros sobre el nivel del río Nistru.

El territorio de la configuración natural de Tipova se encuentra en la orilla derecha del Dniéster, entre las aldeas Horodiste y Tipova, el districto Rezina.
Rocky monastery near Tipova

La ciudad Soroca
Soroca es un municipio en el noreste de la República de Moldavia, ubicado en la margen derecha del río Nistru, a 160 km de la capital de Moldavia - Chisinau, en la frontera con Ucrania. Con más de 37 mil habitantes (2016), Soroca es la octava ciudad más grande de Moldavia, pero también la segunda región más grande e importante de la Región Norte (solo superada por Balti). Es el centro administrativo del distrito con el mismo nombre. En Soroca hay un museo de historia y etnografía que incluye la Fortaleza de Soroca, construida en piedra por Esteban el Grande en 1489 y renovada en la forma actual por Petru Rares.
La fortaleza Soroca

La Colina Gitana de Soroca esta considerada el distrito residencial de la ciudad. Un mundo real de contrastes. Palacio con torres o personajes antiguos. Muros y vallas construidas de piedras o vallas construidas de metal precioso. En algunos patios hay dos o incluso tres palacios. Los gitanos de Soroca pueden alabarse de que viven muy bien. También dicen que saben ganar dinero sin hacer nada.
lUna casa del gitano

Las fuentes de la imagen y informaciones: zugo.md, wikipedia.org, trm.md, dendrariu.md, mtm.md, jc.md, 

duminică, 10 martie 2019

A las puertas de la ciudad de Chisinau, un ejemplo antiguo de la arquitectura popular

No importante si son catedrales de las ciudades o iglesias pequeñas de los pueblos, Moldavia es, seguramente, llena de edificios sagrados, a veces verdaderas perlas de la arquitectura popular, como en el caso de las iglesias de madera, dónde se puede respirar la historia y la tradición auténtica de este pequeño país.

Pasando de las puertas de la ciudad de Chişinău, en el camino al aeropuerto, se puede observar un importante destino turistico, una iglesia nombrada La Iglesia vieja de madera, „La Virgen María Adormida”: es un testimonio significativo de la sagrada arquitectura, con una historia curiosa y ciertas detallas importantes, situada en un parque, conservada como una joya, cerca del lago, que forma parte del „Museo del Pueblo”.

Una arquitectura popular auténtica, realizada en hecho enteramente de madera, fue construida en 1642 por artesanos calificados del pueblo Hiriseni, cerca del monasterio Hârjauca, utilizando madera de roble del bosque del districto Calarasi. 

En el año 1821 fue transferada a la municipalidad del pueblo Hiristeni, el districto Telenesti, utilizada de los habitantes hasta el año 1928, cuando la comunidad empezó a construir otra iglesia de piedra. La iglesia continuó ser utilisada durante mucho tiempo mas, pero como una capilla en el cementerio.

Al inicio del sieglo XXI, la iglesia estaba en una condición deplorable, con el techo derrumbado casi destruida completamente. Después de muchos años de negociaciones, la comunidad local decidió cambiar del sitio en el territorio del „Museo del Pueblo” de Chisinau, dónde imediatamente empezaron los trabajos de restauración.

La restauración de la iglesia fue realizada bajo de la proteción del Museo Nacional de Etnografía e Historia Natural de Ministerio de la Cultura y de la Academia de Ciencias de Moldavia.

La restauración fue realizada por un equipo de restauradores bajo la dirección de Eugen Bâzgu y Sergiu Vornicov, los arquitectos que fueron delegados para la preservación de los materiales originales y el aspecto del edificio. La reconstrucción de la iglesia, aflojada por la débil resistencia de las vigas y los paneles, duró dos años: según los principios de la restauración, fue posible mantener la mayoría de las paredes principales y el iconostasio. Hoy, por el exterior se pueden ver las vigas antiguas, resaltadas con números, para mantenerlas de acuerdo con el orden de su eliminación y ensamblarlas en el nuevo lugar.

Estos templos de madera son verdaderos milagros de la ingeniería del siglo XVII: su construcción se realiza sin el uso de clavos. De hecho, el clave es un símbolo de la crucifixión de Cristo. Por eso, los ejes se mantienen unidos por un sistema de articulación complejo e ingenioso, que a su vez se convierte en una metáfora del sacrificio, la penitenciaría y el sacrificio total.

Altos, finas, con campanas rafinas en el extremo occidental de la construcción, estos monumentos son hermosos íconos, espejos del pasado.

Más allá de la armonía de las proporciones y la belleza arquitectónica, los elementos característicos de estos lugares de culto están cubiertos con inscripciones, y el interior decorado con pinturas de madera, que representan historias bíblicas, hechas con generosidad marcada. Colores, detalles y matices. En general, el piso están cubiertos con alfombras viejas moldavas, algunas tienen más de cien años, como las de esta estructura, traídas del pueblo de Valcinet, el districto Calarasi.

Esta iglesia está construida al estilo moldavo del tipo nortico y se acerca a la tradición de las iglesias al norte de Moldavia o Bucovina, una vez territorios de Moldavia.

Otros fotos se pueden ver aqui.

luni, 19 noiembrie 2018

Memories, identity and heritage in urban built environment - in relation to urban planning. The case of Chişinău and Cernivci (Cernăuţi) – two cities hit by genocide, forced migrations, changing national boundaries and political systems in the 20th century

This article is based on results from the on-going research project „The memory of vanished population groups in today’s East- and Central European urban environments”, dealing with L'viv and Cernivci in Ukraine, Chisinau in Moldova and Wroclaw in Poland. The project is running from 2011 to the beginning of 2015 and based at the Centre of European Studies at Lund University in Sweden.

The issue of rapid urban changes versus local identity, cultural heritage and preservation aims
The project deals with problems of rapid urban changes and what happens with the local identity, with cultural heritage and historic traces. These questions are especially crucial in cases of war destructions, changing political systems and forced migrations.
A general issue for city identity is the pace of the changes, the possibility to keep one’s footing. This includes the importance of historical traces, memories and cultural heritage. How will such qualities survive in the future development? There are different opinions about heritage and future. Some people look at heritage as obstacle for future development. Others look at is as a quality, a catalyst for future prosperity. This must also be discussed in a political and economical context. Urban planning is always an expression of political and economical power. Local identity has also a national and international context.
A special issue is the way of perception and treatment of cultural heritage and identity of cities. Many architects focus on “narrow” architectural historical values or more general on architectural design qualities. Other professionals may be more interested in the daily urban life and the functional qualities. A third aspect is the city environment as an expression of history and memories. But there is a need for a holistic view. All three aspects are important, and should be regarded together.
In this project we are especially focusing on the city environment in relation to memories and history. What stories are reflected in the streets and buildings? Who built the houses? Who used them? How has their use been changed? Are there special historic events and memories connected with the city environment? In what way are the buildings expressions of their time and later history? How are they connected with the political and economical power ?

The specific situation in areas ceded to the Soviet Union after World War II
The identity and preservation problems are very complicated in areas seized by the Soviet Union from Poland, Czechoslovakia and Romania after World War II. In these areas there are many old and rather well preserved cities, historically connected with several nations and ethnic groups. The Jews were the largest or second largest ethnic group in most cities, having a crucial importance for the city development. World War II and its aftermaths meant genocide, forced migration and a quite new national and political context. The old society was destroyed and new inhabitants lacking roots in the area replaced vanished population groups. They moved into buildings reflecting the vanished population. How would this affect the notion of cultural heritage and local identity?
The project deals with three kinds of memory studies: Lirst, „the memory reflected in the walls”, the old buildings as expressions or “narrators” of earlier urban life and culture. Second, the „memories in the minds”, the knowledge, interest and attitudes among the present population of the city history and earlier urban life. The third theme is the official treatment of memories and heritages in urban planning, preservation policy, in media and tourist guides, at museums etc.
This contribution makes some comparisons between Chisinau and Cernivci (Cernăuţi) concerning how the cultural heritage and memories were taken care of after 1945. How were the attitudes in Soviet time? How are they today? Which are the future perspectives?
Chisinau and Cernivci are both old Moldovan towns that became local capital cities within large empires. Chisinau was the capital ol the Russian governorate Bessarabia and Cernivci (Czernowitz) was capital of the Austrian crown land Bukowina. 1918 - 1940 they both were Romanian, as well as the whole historic Moldova. The Soviet Union ruled both cities in 1940-41, and anew from 1944 to 1991. Today Cernivci is in west Ukraine and Chisinau, as we all know, the capital of the Republic of Moldova.

No other single event has had more radical consequences to the population structure in
Chisinau and Cernivci than Holocaust. Both cities suffered hard by the Romanian Holocaust, which was very different from the neighbour countries. It was mainly committed by Romanian forces and above all hitting Bukovina, Bessarabia and occupied Transnistria – areas were only few Jews spoke Romanian. After local Transnistrian Jews were murdered with German assistance, Bukovinian and Bessarabian Jews were deported to Transnistria in order to perish there. From the end of 1942 this policy came to a sudden stop. No further Romanian Jews were to be deported, but survived deportees in Transnistria could not return home. Thus, the Romanian leader Antonescu was responsible of the death of around 370 000 Jews, but later he „saved” 300 000 Jews from deportation. But 135 000 Jews from Hungary-occupied northern Transilvania were among the last victims of Auschwitz in 1944.


The fate of the old, „lower” town of Chisinau
In Chisinau, the regular Russian grid-net town was developed after 1812 alongside the old, irregular Moldovan town. In Romanian time the population structure was mixed; almost 50 % Jews - rich as well as poor - mostly speaking Yiddish, Russian or Spaniol. The others were mostly Romanians, Russians and Ukrainians and there were also smaller ethnic groups. The old, “lower” town had generally a poor population, mostly Jews, while the grid-net town was generally better off. Parts of Old Town were destroyed during the war. The early Soviet plans aimed to demolish the whole Old Town and replace it by a neo-classic boulevard city. The old Piata Veche and several churches quite disappeared. The plan, signed by the prominent architect Shchusev, was in fact an extension of the Russian grid-net town into the old Moldovan town, erasing both old Moldovan and Jewish heritage. But there was also an aim to create a special Soviet-Moldovan style -connected to the aim to create a Soviet-Moldovan nationality, different from Romanian nationality. However, undoubtedly this architecture had some qualities.
Parts of the Old Town were destroyed in an earth quake in 1940, and at the abolishing of the ghetto in 1942, but an aerial photo from May 1944 shows that much was demolished later, by the Soviet power. It would have been possible to restore old streets, if the authorities had allowed it. Some early Soviet urban plans reveal still existing buildings, planned to be replaced by new structures and later demolished, but it is not easy to Hnd information about buildings, vanished 1942-44. The two maps (figure 1, figure 2) of the Old Town show information found in the project work. Black buildings on these both maps show the houses from before 1940 that still remain. At the pre-WW2 map, vanished buildings are shown in grey colour. At the other map, grey colour shows the new buildings. The changed structure is evident, but also that there are still some rather well preserved districts of the Old Town. On the 1944 aerial photo we have found some information about the vanished buildings, but still it was necessary to do some “qualified guesses”, shown in light grey colour.
The remaining parts of the Old Town of Chisinau have a very human scale and an evident local identity. They are mostly still threatened by demolition, but they have an enormous potential to be integrated in a future, friendly and human urban structure. They are also important “memories in stone” of earlier inhabitants and events. The value of these areas is not yet enough recognized, not even in the important inventory Centrul istoric al Chisindului la începtul secolului al XX-lea. Repertoriul monumentelor de arhitectură.
Other parts of Chisinau are better preserved. The grid-net city has many extremely important buildings, such as small palaces of conac urban type. Very important to the urban image are numerous old corner buildings. They are well recognized and mostly not threatened by demolition - maybe by distortion. Also the remaining churches have a significant role for the identity of Chisinau, and they are not threatened by demolition.
Another important quality is the ensemble of old and new public buildings in central Chisinau. The proximity between cultural and recreation facilities, central municipal and national administration, the main cathedral, hotels, beautiful parks, shops, etc. form an intensive and rich urban life. This is like a living room for the whole city - and the republic, a place where everyone can meet, where all social classes and ages meet. This is an important potential for future development.
Jewish heritage can be found in old synagogues, heder schools and Talmud schools as well as in small living houses and shops. Archive material shows the house owners at several streets in 1930, in the Old Town, and in 1940, in the grid-net town. There is no list of profession or ethnicity, but names like Rubinstein, Perlmutter, Feldman and Segal indicate that most of the owners were Jewish.
In 1940, around 50 000 Jews lived in Chisinau. In June 1941, 10 000 people, probably the majority Jewish, were deported eastwards by the Soviet authorities. After the German attack on June 22, around 10 000 people, many of them Jews, were evacuated eastwards. Around 20 000 Jews fled eastwards, many of them might have later been caught up by Germans. Immediately after German and Romanian troops had seized Chisinau, around 10 000 Jews were killed, and then the remaining; was, around 11 000, were gathered in the closed hetto around Piata Veche. From there, the Jews were iken to Transnistria, where around 2/3 perished. In 1942, very few Jews remained in the city.


We can find personal memories of this time. Samuel Aroni's family found shelter in a small mall t Strada Vlahuta 19. In 1930, Enta Segal owned this louse. On August 1, youth were assembled, as far as iamuel Aroni remembers it, at the open green area it the corner Strada Gh. Cosbuc / Strada A. Hajdeu, or work. Samuel, aged 14, went there, but changed ais mind, did not register and sneaked away. The souths, more than 400, were shot outside the town. Most of Samuel’s family, but not all, managed, with aelp from outside, to escape from the ghetto and deportation. The ghetto photo from Piata Veche shows buildings of similar type as remain today at Strada Cahul and other streets, (figure 3, figure 4, figure 5)
Before the war, Samuel lived at Strada Mihai Viteazul 23, present Strada Mihail Eminescu 23. In 1936, his uncle Volf Cervinschi built the villa at the same street, present nr. 33. It is today declared to be a monument of architecture. Samuel has provided a list of the inhabitants in 1940. This street sequence has much to tell. Strada Vlahuta is in fact a continuation of Strada Eminescu.

Memory treatment and urban planning in Chisinau
The neo-classic Stalinist plan was later replaced by a modernist plan with large motor roads and high-rise buildings. A new broad boulevard is outlined right through the best-preserved parts of the Old Town. This kind of plan is today quite obsolete in Europe, (figure 6, 7) The plan proposal only leaves the Puskin museum and a few houses near it to be saved. A brutal change can already be seen in the southern part of the Old Town. The example of Lund, Sweden, shows that the same kind of old buildings can have a great potential as comfortable homes. Former poor districts have been turned in to attractive residential areas by restoring and modernizing old buildings and adding small flats into larger ones, (figure 8, figure 9).

A movement against demolitions and motor roads in the Old Town has arisen. This is a very good sign for the future! In Lund the same kind of movement changed the planning policy around 1970. Although Chisinau has very good inventories of old buildings, more interest should be devoted to the potential of old, lower town!
If the Old Town of Chisinau is changed into a high-rise (but architecturally probably second-class) residential and commercial area, adapted for increasing motor traffic, it will loose any attraction for visitors and tourists. Some decision-makers argue that a contemporary national capital city cannot have a city centre with an old-fashion small town image. But the historic, small town scale is a crucial factor for making districts as Plaka in Athens, Alfama in Lisbon and Covent Garden in London attractive for tourists and for living.

Cernivci – the multi-ethnic city that became Ukrainian
Cernivci (Cernăuţi, Czernowitz) is much different from Chisinau. The city developed as a central European outpost, a “small Vienna”. It was a cultural melting pot with Romanians, Germans, Jews, Ukrainians, Poles and many smaller ethnic groups. Jews were the largest groups with up to 47% of the population. No group or language was in majority. German was the largest language, mostly spoken by emancipated Jews. As in Chisinau, there are an old, Moldovan, „lower city” and a more affluent, Austrian city uphill.
Viennese architects as Otto Wagner and Fellner & Helmer influenced Austrian Czernowitz. The most imposing building was the residence of the Greek-Orthodox Metropolite. It came on the UNESCO world heritage list in 2010.
The core of the city was Ringplatz - later Piata Unirii and CentraTna plosca. Old and new pictures show that the buildings are well preserved, but the signs and advertisements tell about different epochs. From Katz & Sass and Leo Goldstein to “Long live Komsomol” and the restored sign „Bellevue” today, (figure 10, figure 11, figure 12, figure 13) Old photos give much information on shops and other establishments in Austrian and Romanian times. Most shops had Jewish owners. We have found fewer old photos in Chisinau.

The „Spirit of Czernowitz” („Geist von Czernowitz”) was unique. The different nationalities lived peacefully side-by-side, having their own houses of culture and also contacts between them. The German-speaking Jews were very loyal to the Austrian emperor, regarded as their patron. Their position was a bit unsafe when the Romanians took over.
There were also churches of many confessions. Most of them were closed in Soviet time. The large reformed Synagogue - the Temple - was set on fire in July 1941 and changed to a cinema in 1959. Among other Jewish heritage can be mentioned the Scala theatre, the Toynbee Hall and the cemetery.
The lower town kept its old structure. It was dominated by rather poor people, most of them Jewish. Here are former Judengasse and the Alter Markt, also called Judenmarkt. Pictures from around 1910 and recent years show that the built environment is mostly well preserved. This district is very valuable, but not enough high ranked in the preservation plans. The oldest part of Czernowitz, around Synagogengasse and Springbrunnenplatz became a Jewish shtetl. The old, large Synagogue and several small synagogues are preserved, (figure 14, figure 15) Almost all inhabitants along Synagogengasse / Strada Wilson and in the surrounding district were Jewish. Here was the closed ghetto located in 1941-42.


Old documents have much to tell

Documents concerning street regulations around Synagogengasse in 1910-11 give information on owners, use of buildings etc. of that time. Based on these documents is has been possible to make a detailed map of buildings and owners. The address books of 1914 and 1936 are other very important documents, available on Internet as Excel files. They tell about inhabitants, their address and their professions. In the lower city were many merchants, carpenters, masons, plumbers, tailors and shoemakers, teachers. When restoring buildings, several old wall texts have been found. At Synagogengasse we can read the names of the sign painter Isak Esikowicz and the merchant Wolf Mandel. Their names can also be found in the address book from 1936. (figure 16, figure 17, figure 18).
There are also important documents giving the names, professions and ethnicities of the owners of buildings expropriated by the Soviet power in 1940. The majority were Jews. Some of them were sent to Siberia. Another touching document is the order to delimit the closed ghetto on October 11, 1941.

Synagogengasse led to Springbrunnenplatz, the centre ol the old Moldovan city. Anita Derman tells her story. They lived here until 1935, and then at Worobkiewiczgasse. (figure 19, figure 20) She still use the German street names, although there were already new, Romanian names, when she was born. Her father stored food in the cellar, just n case.... In 1940 he was sent to Siberia as “enemy i>f he people” but the family stayed in the house. \nita never saw him again. In 1941, their house was included in the ghetto, but they had still some ood in the cellar. They were sent to Transnistria, vhere her mother and brother were shot. Anita, tow aged 91, and her sister survived and came later o Israel. Her father came back to Cernivci after he war but all relatives and friends were gone. He ame to Romania and died alone in Botosani in the 960s. He could never come to Israel, and Anita ould never visit him in Romania. But the mayor of lernauti, Traian Popovici saved almost 20 000 Jews rom being deported to Transnistria. He tried to stop Holocaust in his city – he maintained the „Spirit of Izernowitz”, but he was dismissed from his position,
The old wall texts, found in Cernivci, will as a main principle be saved. Together with other details, they tell about the city history. There are also a large number of memory plaques, showing were significant artists, musicians and scientists lived. Also an increasing number of books and films tell about life in old Czernowitz.

Memory treatment
But what about Soviet urban planning of Cernivci? A thorough check shows that many old buildings were planned to be replaced by open urban spaces or widened streets - but luckily enough, such plans were not implemented, due to lacking resources. Urban preservation planning began in late Soviet time. However, focus was laid on strict architectural values, not on memories reflected in the buildings.
In 2004, a Russian expert only recognized the Metropolitan Residence at being recognized the Metropolitan Residence at being worthly for being UNESCO wolrd heritage. The unique „Spirit of Cyernowity” and the multi-ethnic heritage, not least the Jewish, were not adequately understood. But most of central Cernivci was at last included in the „buffer zone” with protecting rules. After some discussion, Synagogengasse, was also included. (figure 21). This street has a preservation value, different but equal to the „upper town”!
The current master plan of Cernivci, however, shows Synagogengase (today Vulycja Henri Barbussea) as an important street for cars, and its northen side as industrial area! (figure 22). But slowly there is a emerging understandind of its historic character and narrator of the old Jewish shtetl.
A main conclusion is that there is a growing interest of the historical traces and memories embedded in the urban environment, but there are also different parallel stories and aims. Nevertheless, the memories among survivors and expelled persons and their children and grandchildren are declining, and generally the knowledge among the present citizens about earlier inhabitants is weak.



Summary and some comparative conclusions
Stalinist neoclassicism had only a significant influence in Chisinau, but in the late 1950s new, modernist planning ideals took over. The aim, partly achieved, was to replace the whole Old Town and many buildings in the grid-net town by new constructions. In Cernivci, a few neo-classicist buildings, rather well adapted to the site, replaced some destroyed buildings near Ringplatz.
In Chişinău, there was a negative attitude towards preservation, especially in the Old Town. In Soviet time this attitude had ideological and political reasons, and in post-Soviet time mostly financial reasons. In Cernivci, urban planning most focused on city extension and left the historic centre mainly unchanged. Also in Chişinău, urban planning has focused much on external expansion.
The modernist breakthrough in the 1960s strongly affected urban planning in the both cities, but concerning historic districts, much more in Chișinău that in Cernivci. There, some street widening were planned in the city centre, but not implemented.
More than 3/4 of the Old Town in Chisinau has been demolished since 1940, as well as many buildings at the Stefan cel Mare Boulevard in the grid-net city and at its side streets. In central Cernivci, however, only few buildings have been demolished after the war. This preservation was partly characterised by pragmatism - the use value of the buildings. The preservation policy as such, has it focus on architectural considerations rather than reference to earlier urban life, or attention to the ethnic heritage of the old environment. Preservation in Cernivci has in fact acknowledged Austrian heritage. Less interest has been devoted to Romanian heritage, but still the inter-war buildings, in both modernist and Brancoveanu style, are well preserved. The Jewish heritage as such is very little mentioned, but still mostly preserved.
In both cities, the present General Plans for future growth are based on earlier plans. In Cernivci, more than Chisinau, the General Plan shows a growing interest for preservation and improvement of old environments. Many books are published about history and heritage of the cities before World War II, including old photos, maps and literary testimonies. It is once again allowed to mention Jewish, Polish, German and Romanian heritage. Cernivci politicians have understood that this is also a way of attracting tourists and investments from the west. In Chisinau many decision-makers still do not seem to understand this, but emerging civic groups are working lor rethinking. In Cernivci, preservation policy is generally enforced and much effort is laid on beautifying streets and squares with historical references.
Generally, the future prospects of saving cultural heritage and commemorating vanished population groups are rather good, but there is still a need for better understanding, not least among investors and other decision-makers, especially in Chisinau. In both cities, a growing interest is devoted to Holocaust and persecutions during Stalinist rule. A monument to ghetto victims has been established in Chisinau. In both cities, small Jewish museums have been opened. Memory plaques are most frequent in Cernivci, but exist also in Chisinau. In Cernivci, but not yet in Chisinau, there is a policy of preserving old wall texts as palimpsests of historical layer.
Soviet planning on one hand normally recognized mere architectural monuments, but had less interest of more simple old building traditions. The Soviet society had a negative attitude to the pre-Soviet societies and ignored them as well as memories of them.
Today there is a growing interest for preservation, but mostly in strict architectural sense, and not so much concerning memories of the old society. Old built environments, not declared as architectural monuments, are often threatened by demolition, in spite of begin of high historical and cultural value.

Cernivci has a better preservation policy than Chișinău, but still the value of old, simple building culture and its memories is not enough recognized. But in Chișinău there is a strong engagement among people for preservation. Keep fighting for stopping the boulevard through the Old Town!