luni, 19 noiembrie 2018

Memories, identity and heritage in urban built environment - in relation to urban planning. The case of Chişinău and Cernivci (Cernăuţi) – two cities hit by genocide, forced migrations, changing national boundaries and political systems in the 20th century

This article is based on results from the on-going research project „The memory of vanished population groups in today’s East- and Central European urban environments”, dealing with L'viv and Cernivci in Ukraine, Chisinau in Moldova and Wroclaw in Poland. The project is running from 2011 to the beginning of 2015 and based at the Centre of European Studies at Lund University in Sweden.

The issue of rapid urban changes versus local identity, cultural heritage and preservation aims
The project deals with problems of rapid urban changes and what happens with the local identity, with cultural heritage and historic traces. These questions are especially crucial in cases of war destructions, changing political systems and forced migrations.
A general issue for city identity is the pace of the changes, the possibility to keep one’s footing. This includes the importance of historical traces, memories and cultural heritage. How will such qualities survive in the future development? There are different opinions about heritage and future. Some people look at heritage as obstacle for future development. Others look at is as a quality, a catalyst for future prosperity. This must also be discussed in a political and economical context. Urban planning is always an expression of political and economical power. Local identity has also a national and international context.
A special issue is the way of perception and treatment of cultural heritage and identity of cities. Many architects focus on “narrow” architectural historical values or more general on architectural design qualities. Other professionals may be more interested in the daily urban life and the functional qualities. A third aspect is the city environment as an expression of history and memories. But there is a need for a holistic view. All three aspects are important, and should be regarded together.
In this project we are especially focusing on the city environment in relation to memories and history. What stories are reflected in the streets and buildings? Who built the houses? Who used them? How has their use been changed? Are there special historic events and memories connected with the city environment? In what way are the buildings expressions of their time and later history? How are they connected with the political and economical power ?

The specific situation in areas ceded to the Soviet Union after World War II
The identity and preservation problems are very complicated in areas seized by the Soviet Union from Poland, Czechoslovakia and Romania after World War II. In these areas there are many old and rather well preserved cities, historically connected with several nations and ethnic groups. The Jews were the largest or second largest ethnic group in most cities, having a crucial importance for the city development. World War II and its aftermaths meant genocide, forced migration and a quite new national and political context. The old society was destroyed and new inhabitants lacking roots in the area replaced vanished population groups. They moved into buildings reflecting the vanished population. How would this affect the notion of cultural heritage and local identity?
The project deals with three kinds of memory studies: Lirst, „the memory reflected in the walls”, the old buildings as expressions or “narrators” of earlier urban life and culture. Second, the „memories in the minds”, the knowledge, interest and attitudes among the present population of the city history and earlier urban life. The third theme is the official treatment of memories and heritages in urban planning, preservation policy, in media and tourist guides, at museums etc.
This contribution makes some comparisons between Chisinau and Cernivci (Cernăuţi) concerning how the cultural heritage and memories were taken care of after 1945. How were the attitudes in Soviet time? How are they today? Which are the future perspectives?
Chisinau and Cernivci are both old Moldovan towns that became local capital cities within large empires. Chisinau was the capital ol the Russian governorate Bessarabia and Cernivci (Czernowitz) was capital of the Austrian crown land Bukowina. 1918 - 1940 they both were Romanian, as well as the whole historic Moldova. The Soviet Union ruled both cities in 1940-41, and anew from 1944 to 1991. Today Cernivci is in west Ukraine and Chisinau, as we all know, the capital of the Republic of Moldova.

No other single event has had more radical consequences to the population structure in
Chisinau and Cernivci than Holocaust. Both cities suffered hard by the Romanian Holocaust, which was very different from the neighbour countries. It was mainly committed by Romanian forces and above all hitting Bukovina, Bessarabia and occupied Transnistria – areas were only few Jews spoke Romanian. After local Transnistrian Jews were murdered with German assistance, Bukovinian and Bessarabian Jews were deported to Transnistria in order to perish there. From the end of 1942 this policy came to a sudden stop. No further Romanian Jews were to be deported, but survived deportees in Transnistria could not return home. Thus, the Romanian leader Antonescu was responsible of the death of around 370 000 Jews, but later he „saved” 300 000 Jews from deportation. But 135 000 Jews from Hungary-occupied northern Transilvania were among the last victims of Auschwitz in 1944.


The fate of the old, „lower” town of Chisinau
In Chisinau, the regular Russian grid-net town was developed after 1812 alongside the old, irregular Moldovan town. In Romanian time the population structure was mixed; almost 50 % Jews - rich as well as poor - mostly speaking Yiddish, Russian or Spaniol. The others were mostly Romanians, Russians and Ukrainians and there were also smaller ethnic groups. The old, “lower” town had generally a poor population, mostly Jews, while the grid-net town was generally better off. Parts of Old Town were destroyed during the war. The early Soviet plans aimed to demolish the whole Old Town and replace it by a neo-classic boulevard city. The old Piata Veche and several churches quite disappeared. The plan, signed by the prominent architect Shchusev, was in fact an extension of the Russian grid-net town into the old Moldovan town, erasing both old Moldovan and Jewish heritage. But there was also an aim to create a special Soviet-Moldovan style -connected to the aim to create a Soviet-Moldovan nationality, different from Romanian nationality. However, undoubtedly this architecture had some qualities.
Parts of the Old Town were destroyed in an earth quake in 1940, and at the abolishing of the ghetto in 1942, but an aerial photo from May 1944 shows that much was demolished later, by the Soviet power. It would have been possible to restore old streets, if the authorities had allowed it. Some early Soviet urban plans reveal still existing buildings, planned to be replaced by new structures and later demolished, but it is not easy to Hnd information about buildings, vanished 1942-44. The two maps (figure 1, figure 2) of the Old Town show information found in the project work. Black buildings on these both maps show the houses from before 1940 that still remain. At the pre-WW2 map, vanished buildings are shown in grey colour. At the other map, grey colour shows the new buildings. The changed structure is evident, but also that there are still some rather well preserved districts of the Old Town. On the 1944 aerial photo we have found some information about the vanished buildings, but still it was necessary to do some “qualified guesses”, shown in light grey colour.
The remaining parts of the Old Town of Chisinau have a very human scale and an evident local identity. They are mostly still threatened by demolition, but they have an enormous potential to be integrated in a future, friendly and human urban structure. They are also important “memories in stone” of earlier inhabitants and events. The value of these areas is not yet enough recognized, not even in the important inventory Centrul istoric al Chisindului la începtul secolului al XX-lea. Repertoriul monumentelor de arhitectură.
Other parts of Chisinau are better preserved. The grid-net city has many extremely important buildings, such as small palaces of conac urban type. Very important to the urban image are numerous old corner buildings. They are well recognized and mostly not threatened by demolition - maybe by distortion. Also the remaining churches have a significant role for the identity of Chisinau, and they are not threatened by demolition.
Another important quality is the ensemble of old and new public buildings in central Chisinau. The proximity between cultural and recreation facilities, central municipal and national administration, the main cathedral, hotels, beautiful parks, shops, etc. form an intensive and rich urban life. This is like a living room for the whole city - and the republic, a place where everyone can meet, where all social classes and ages meet. This is an important potential for future development.
Jewish heritage can be found in old synagogues, heder schools and Talmud schools as well as in small living houses and shops. Archive material shows the house owners at several streets in 1930, in the Old Town, and in 1940, in the grid-net town. There is no list of profession or ethnicity, but names like Rubinstein, Perlmutter, Feldman and Segal indicate that most of the owners were Jewish.
In 1940, around 50 000 Jews lived in Chisinau. In June 1941, 10 000 people, probably the majority Jewish, were deported eastwards by the Soviet authorities. After the German attack on June 22, around 10 000 people, many of them Jews, were evacuated eastwards. Around 20 000 Jews fled eastwards, many of them might have later been caught up by Germans. Immediately after German and Romanian troops had seized Chisinau, around 10 000 Jews were killed, and then the remaining; was, around 11 000, were gathered in the closed hetto around Piata Veche. From there, the Jews were iken to Transnistria, where around 2/3 perished. In 1942, very few Jews remained in the city.


We can find personal memories of this time. Samuel Aroni's family found shelter in a small mall t Strada Vlahuta 19. In 1930, Enta Segal owned this louse. On August 1, youth were assembled, as far as iamuel Aroni remembers it, at the open green area it the corner Strada Gh. Cosbuc / Strada A. Hajdeu, or work. Samuel, aged 14, went there, but changed ais mind, did not register and sneaked away. The souths, more than 400, were shot outside the town. Most of Samuel’s family, but not all, managed, with aelp from outside, to escape from the ghetto and deportation. The ghetto photo from Piata Veche shows buildings of similar type as remain today at Strada Cahul and other streets, (figure 3, figure 4, figure 5)
Before the war, Samuel lived at Strada Mihai Viteazul 23, present Strada Mihail Eminescu 23. In 1936, his uncle Volf Cervinschi built the villa at the same street, present nr. 33. It is today declared to be a monument of architecture. Samuel has provided a list of the inhabitants in 1940. This street sequence has much to tell. Strada Vlahuta is in fact a continuation of Strada Eminescu.

Memory treatment and urban planning in Chisinau
The neo-classic Stalinist plan was later replaced by a modernist plan with large motor roads and high-rise buildings. A new broad boulevard is outlined right through the best-preserved parts of the Old Town. This kind of plan is today quite obsolete in Europe, (figure 6, 7) The plan proposal only leaves the Puskin museum and a few houses near it to be saved. A brutal change can already be seen in the southern part of the Old Town. The example of Lund, Sweden, shows that the same kind of old buildings can have a great potential as comfortable homes. Former poor districts have been turned in to attractive residential areas by restoring and modernizing old buildings and adding small flats into larger ones, (figure 8, figure 9).

A movement against demolitions and motor roads in the Old Town has arisen. This is a very good sign for the future! In Lund the same kind of movement changed the planning policy around 1970. Although Chisinau has very good inventories of old buildings, more interest should be devoted to the potential of old, lower town!
If the Old Town of Chisinau is changed into a high-rise (but architecturally probably second-class) residential and commercial area, adapted for increasing motor traffic, it will loose any attraction for visitors and tourists. Some decision-makers argue that a contemporary national capital city cannot have a city centre with an old-fashion small town image. But the historic, small town scale is a crucial factor for making districts as Plaka in Athens, Alfama in Lisbon and Covent Garden in London attractive for tourists and for living.

Cernivci – the multi-ethnic city that became Ukrainian
Cernivci (Cernăuţi, Czernowitz) is much different from Chisinau. The city developed as a central European outpost, a “small Vienna”. It was a cultural melting pot with Romanians, Germans, Jews, Ukrainians, Poles and many smaller ethnic groups. Jews were the largest groups with up to 47% of the population. No group or language was in majority. German was the largest language, mostly spoken by emancipated Jews. As in Chisinau, there are an old, Moldovan, „lower city” and a more affluent, Austrian city uphill.
Viennese architects as Otto Wagner and Fellner & Helmer influenced Austrian Czernowitz. The most imposing building was the residence of the Greek-Orthodox Metropolite. It came on the UNESCO world heritage list in 2010.
The core of the city was Ringplatz - later Piata Unirii and CentraTna plosca. Old and new pictures show that the buildings are well preserved, but the signs and advertisements tell about different epochs. From Katz & Sass and Leo Goldstein to “Long live Komsomol” and the restored sign „Bellevue” today, (figure 10, figure 11, figure 12, figure 13) Old photos give much information on shops and other establishments in Austrian and Romanian times. Most shops had Jewish owners. We have found fewer old photos in Chisinau.

The „Spirit of Czernowitz” („Geist von Czernowitz”) was unique. The different nationalities lived peacefully side-by-side, having their own houses of culture and also contacts between them. The German-speaking Jews were very loyal to the Austrian emperor, regarded as their patron. Their position was a bit unsafe when the Romanians took over.
There were also churches of many confessions. Most of them were closed in Soviet time. The large reformed Synagogue - the Temple - was set on fire in July 1941 and changed to a cinema in 1959. Among other Jewish heritage can be mentioned the Scala theatre, the Toynbee Hall and the cemetery.
The lower town kept its old structure. It was dominated by rather poor people, most of them Jewish. Here are former Judengasse and the Alter Markt, also called Judenmarkt. Pictures from around 1910 and recent years show that the built environment is mostly well preserved. This district is very valuable, but not enough high ranked in the preservation plans. The oldest part of Czernowitz, around Synagogengasse and Springbrunnenplatz became a Jewish shtetl. The old, large Synagogue and several small synagogues are preserved, (figure 14, figure 15) Almost all inhabitants along Synagogengasse / Strada Wilson and in the surrounding district were Jewish. Here was the closed ghetto located in 1941-42.


Old documents have much to tell

Documents concerning street regulations around Synagogengasse in 1910-11 give information on owners, use of buildings etc. of that time. Based on these documents is has been possible to make a detailed map of buildings and owners. The address books of 1914 and 1936 are other very important documents, available on Internet as Excel files. They tell about inhabitants, their address and their professions. In the lower city were many merchants, carpenters, masons, plumbers, tailors and shoemakers, teachers. When restoring buildings, several old wall texts have been found. At Synagogengasse we can read the names of the sign painter Isak Esikowicz and the merchant Wolf Mandel. Their names can also be found in the address book from 1936. (figure 16, figure 17, figure 18).
There are also important documents giving the names, professions and ethnicities of the owners of buildings expropriated by the Soviet power in 1940. The majority were Jews. Some of them were sent to Siberia. Another touching document is the order to delimit the closed ghetto on October 11, 1941.

Synagogengasse led to Springbrunnenplatz, the centre ol the old Moldovan city. Anita Derman tells her story. They lived here until 1935, and then at Worobkiewiczgasse. (figure 19, figure 20) She still use the German street names, although there were already new, Romanian names, when she was born. Her father stored food in the cellar, just n case.... In 1940 he was sent to Siberia as “enemy i>f he people” but the family stayed in the house. \nita never saw him again. In 1941, their house was included in the ghetto, but they had still some ood in the cellar. They were sent to Transnistria, vhere her mother and brother were shot. Anita, tow aged 91, and her sister survived and came later o Israel. Her father came back to Cernivci after he war but all relatives and friends were gone. He ame to Romania and died alone in Botosani in the 960s. He could never come to Israel, and Anita ould never visit him in Romania. But the mayor of lernauti, Traian Popovici saved almost 20 000 Jews rom being deported to Transnistria. He tried to stop Holocaust in his city – he maintained the „Spirit of Izernowitz”, but he was dismissed from his position,
The old wall texts, found in Cernivci, will as a main principle be saved. Together with other details, they tell about the city history. There are also a large number of memory plaques, showing were significant artists, musicians and scientists lived. Also an increasing number of books and films tell about life in old Czernowitz.

Memory treatment
But what about Soviet urban planning of Cernivci? A thorough check shows that many old buildings were planned to be replaced by open urban spaces or widened streets - but luckily enough, such plans were not implemented, due to lacking resources. Urban preservation planning began in late Soviet time. However, focus was laid on strict architectural values, not on memories reflected in the buildings.
In 2004, a Russian expert only recognized the Metropolitan Residence at being recognized the Metropolitan Residence at being worthly for being UNESCO wolrd heritage. The unique „Spirit of Cyernowity” and the multi-ethnic heritage, not least the Jewish, were not adequately understood. But most of central Cernivci was at last included in the „buffer zone” with protecting rules. After some discussion, Synagogengasse, was also included. (figure 21). This street has a preservation value, different but equal to the „upper town”!
The current master plan of Cernivci, however, shows Synagogengase (today Vulycja Henri Barbussea) as an important street for cars, and its northen side as industrial area! (figure 22). But slowly there is a emerging understandind of its historic character and narrator of the old Jewish shtetl.
A main conclusion is that there is a growing interest of the historical traces and memories embedded in the urban environment, but there are also different parallel stories and aims. Nevertheless, the memories among survivors and expelled persons and their children and grandchildren are declining, and generally the knowledge among the present citizens about earlier inhabitants is weak.



Summary and some comparative conclusions
Stalinist neoclassicism had only a significant influence in Chisinau, but in the late 1950s new, modernist planning ideals took over. The aim, partly achieved, was to replace the whole Old Town and many buildings in the grid-net town by new constructions. In Cernivci, a few neo-classicist buildings, rather well adapted to the site, replaced some destroyed buildings near Ringplatz.
In Chişinău, there was a negative attitude towards preservation, especially in the Old Town. In Soviet time this attitude had ideological and political reasons, and in post-Soviet time mostly financial reasons. In Cernivci, urban planning most focused on city extension and left the historic centre mainly unchanged. Also in Chişinău, urban planning has focused much on external expansion.
The modernist breakthrough in the 1960s strongly affected urban planning in the both cities, but concerning historic districts, much more in Chișinău that in Cernivci. There, some street widening were planned in the city centre, but not implemented.
More than 3/4 of the Old Town in Chisinau has been demolished since 1940, as well as many buildings at the Stefan cel Mare Boulevard in the grid-net city and at its side streets. In central Cernivci, however, only few buildings have been demolished after the war. This preservation was partly characterised by pragmatism - the use value of the buildings. The preservation policy as such, has it focus on architectural considerations rather than reference to earlier urban life, or attention to the ethnic heritage of the old environment. Preservation in Cernivci has in fact acknowledged Austrian heritage. Less interest has been devoted to Romanian heritage, but still the inter-war buildings, in both modernist and Brancoveanu style, are well preserved. The Jewish heritage as such is very little mentioned, but still mostly preserved.
In both cities, the present General Plans for future growth are based on earlier plans. In Cernivci, more than Chisinau, the General Plan shows a growing interest for preservation and improvement of old environments. Many books are published about history and heritage of the cities before World War II, including old photos, maps and literary testimonies. It is once again allowed to mention Jewish, Polish, German and Romanian heritage. Cernivci politicians have understood that this is also a way of attracting tourists and investments from the west. In Chisinau many decision-makers still do not seem to understand this, but emerging civic groups are working lor rethinking. In Cernivci, preservation policy is generally enforced and much effort is laid on beautifying streets and squares with historical references.
Generally, the future prospects of saving cultural heritage and commemorating vanished population groups are rather good, but there is still a need for better understanding, not least among investors and other decision-makers, especially in Chisinau. In both cities, a growing interest is devoted to Holocaust and persecutions during Stalinist rule. A monument to ghetto victims has been established in Chisinau. In both cities, small Jewish museums have been opened. Memory plaques are most frequent in Cernivci, but exist also in Chisinau. In Cernivci, but not yet in Chisinau, there is a policy of preserving old wall texts as palimpsests of historical layer.
Soviet planning on one hand normally recognized mere architectural monuments, but had less interest of more simple old building traditions. The Soviet society had a negative attitude to the pre-Soviet societies and ignored them as well as memories of them.
Today there is a growing interest for preservation, but mostly in strict architectural sense, and not so much concerning memories of the old society. Old built environments, not declared as architectural monuments, are often threatened by demolition, in spite of begin of high historical and cultural value.

Cernivci has a better preservation policy than Chișinău, but still the value of old, simple building culture and its memories is not enough recognized. But in Chișinău there is a strong engagement among people for preservation. Keep fighting for stopping the boulevard through the Old Town!

duminică, 18 noiembrie 2018

Substitution, secession and negotiation: reading the post-soviet Chisinau

During the last ten years Chisinau strongly restated his function of administrative, political, economic and cultural centre of Moldova. After the so called „urbanization in a low key profile” [1], promoted by Soviet party and the consequent flows of workers moving to the city, the nineties were marked by a moderately negative demographic trend. The lowest population growth rate in the last twenty years was observed in 2006, but seven years later the population of the Chisinau’s municipality almost amounts to the one registered in the 1991 [2].

The current economic circumstance shows a country in a good grow of GDE in years 2010 and 2011 and polarized along the urban/rural cleavage, while the capital reflects a deep socio-economic inequality in steady progress [3]. This country, which has been identified for a long time as the poorest of Europe, struggles with its unstable economic balance counting on remittances - that still play a more relevant role in relation to the whole GDE production - and on the wave of FDI which reached Moldova in the last years. FDI inflows, in fact, steadily increased starting from 2004. According to the National Bank of Moldova (NBM), they amounted to a record high of US$ 873.38 million in 20084 5. EU investments currently represent the 80% of FDT, with USA and Russia main investors outside the European Union area.
Among urban studies in the post-socialist world, has been paid very little attention to Chisinau, even if this city has some distinctive traits which lead urban changes toward unexpected directions. The double sway by east & west gives to this city an own geopolitical role: for instance, the subaltern economic situation with Russia balances Moldova’s aspirations to strengthen relationships inside the EU sphere of influence. Moreover, the capital represents a migratory hub for the Moldovans’ diaspora, and, for this reason, it shows a peculiar country-city cleavage.
On the other hand, the post-communist financial colonization of the city entails strong transformations of urban landscape in the downtown as well as in the suburbs. For what concerns the role of FDI. Ian Hamilton reminds us that foreign investors ha\e a central role in shaping the new post-socialist city:
„The main impact of FDI, however, has been the growth, modernization, and diversification of consumer and producer services. These are transforming the city centres and, to a lesser (yet increasing) extent, the socialist residential neighborhoods and urban fringes.” [6]
In this sense, one could say that Chisinau is on the same path of the others eastern European capitals. Anyway, these changes have to be read as transformations and not as simply predictable transitions, as these shifts involve „regressive and progressive dynamics simultaneously” [7].
The new offices, banks, shops, malls, real estate -and hotels risen from the second half of the past decade draw a new, globalized contour of the city. Therefore questions about identity, generally referred to the national ground, come to involve the context of the capital as well: latest scandals on destruction 1 of the architectural heritage of Chisinau, as well the ones about irregular construction sites on public and green areas, demand some reflections about the so called „transition” to the current democratic, post-communist era.
It would be naive to construe the protests organized by civil society and the new forums set up bv experts and scholars as attempts to reject these forms of modern change: the matter is rather to what extent the ongoing post-1991 „stratification” represents a serious threat for the old ones. This layer built up during the recent commercial and residential development is the outcome of liberal measures, growing (both foreign and local) means of investment and – for what concerns the conflict cases – a weak and crooked administrative structure, as on the municipality ground as on the national one.
While criticizes the „transition” paradigm, Kathrine Verdery describes perfectly this tangled context of interaction between economic, cultural, political and social aspects.
„ We cannot separate the economic from the politic and the cultural. In the imagination of policymakers, the economic is a series of purely economic interventions like privatization, price liberalization [...] When these interventions meet everyday life, however, the resistance they encounter is not just economic but cultural and political as well. The economy is always thoroughly embedded in a variety of non-economic practices.” [8]
In order to grasp new post-soviet contours of the city, this paper tries to highlight some features of the „Western oriented” and the „Country oriented” Chisinau [9]. In fact, the aspirations toward European capital standards are often intertwined with recurring references to the Moldovan popular culture: such a conflation is visible among political discourses and representations interested in strengthening national belonging, as well as in several advertising strategies and in municipal policies.
Seeking for current post-soviet transformations we will follow three directions: the substitution of the old XIX and early XX century city with the brand new one in the downtown, the new housing commodification process settled in the suburbs and in the green areas and the more general process of negotiation of the urban public space.

The on-going substitution in the downtown
This new era shaping the recent history of Chisinau seems to develop not merely standing alongside the past ones, but replacing them with its new symbols and its new buildings. Such a phenomenon has been often tackled by referring to a local identity in danger, which is important to safeguard especially when the „renovation” of the city means the elimination of local peculiarities in favour of global style standards.
This is the case of the Sbarro franchise attempt to build a pizza restaurant in Europe square, just on the main entrance of Stefan cel Mare Park. This project represented a threat to a meaningful place for the population, since just there started the civil rights movement for liberation from Soviet domination at the end of the 1980’s. Others forms of „ substitution” go from shady privatizations on architectural heritage, which lead those assets to a ruined or abandoned state, to straight demolition of historical buildings. Conacul Rișcanu-Derojinschi, sold to a private in 2009, was one of the most important urban villas of Chisinau, owned in the past times by a boyar family.
It’s still in wrecked conditions and things will hardly change in the next future, as the current owner is waiting to get permissions to destroy it, once it will be judged no more possible to restore.
What happened in the case of the old administrative building on Pircalab no. 71, which was tore down in order to build a brand new hotel in the heart of the downtown, is a perfect example describing this process: the land is worth more than the building which is over it, even if the last one is an historical monument of national significance.
From new hotels to offices, shops and banks, a common specific idea of “Europe” is promoted: it becomes a synonym of “business”, “richness”, “improvement” and generally of economic progress. Unfortunately the hostile relationship it maintains with the medieval and tsarist city doesn’t even take account of the historical heritage as a factor of development, but only as a bother over a more precious lot of land.
In his book Cartea neagră a patrimoniului cultural al municipiului Chisinau, Ion Ștefăniță expounds the amount of this process: 77 buildings of cultural interest have been demolished in the period 1993-2010, 33 of these in the last four years. On 155 assets have been done illegal modifies while 17 are now in a state of progressive ruin [10]. These data show that massive replacement processes increased in the last years: the blame of such a worrisome situation lies in the absence or the collusion of the local authorities, independently from party labels.
It can be said that Soviet communists regime was an example, on the contrary, of state “over presence”: the transformations produced by soviet rulers followed a precise urban development planning which was inspired to a modernist conception of the city fabric: in the name of a city exclusively devoted to the means of transport, the old medieval grid of streets was partially erased by the construction of the current Avenue Renaşterii. At the same time, ideological reasons played a significant role in the destruction of several churches.
Anyway, it would be simplistic to consider these macro-level changes as the only ones influencing the current renovation Chişinău. For instance, the grassroots organizations „Let’s rebuild Chişinău” and „Arcul de Triunf” (Triumphal Arch), formed mostly by Russian-speaker citizens, started in February 2013 a project of requalification of the Rotonda, in Valea Morilor park.
Firstly with some „subbotnik” and cleaning up interventions, then by means of a whitewash of the walls and the whole roundabout structure and finally through a gathering of funds to buy new benches, the Rotunda has been given back to the people by two concerts in August and October. According to Dmitrii Kavruk, vice-president of the association, it was important to renovate this place after twenty years of abandon and ruin, not only to revitalize an historical part of the city, but also to show that civic participation is still alive in Chisinau.
In the past times, during the ’70 and the ’80 of 20tr c., it has been a meeting point for youngsters but also a dance floor with live music endowed of a wonderful view on the lake. It is not so hard to imagine how this location could represent a bonne a penser past: sometimes memories of childhood and adolescence melt with a sense of nostalgia for the life under communism. Despite this, the ones directly involved in the Rotunda case are mainly students and workers under 35, who lived that place only by the tales of the older generations. Through their commitment they represent an example of a bottom-up stimulated urban change, enlivened by narratives and memories from one side and by a strong sense of responsible citizenship from the other.


Rising gated communities in a post-soviet capital
The suburbanization process and the spatial withdrawal from the public dimension are widely considered classical features of the post-modernist city. A few years after the demise of the socialist regimes, this kind of urban development started to affect several Eurasian cities. Chisinau, of course, makes no exception (but it’s considerable late, if compared to other post-communist capitals). This section will focus on those symbols and meanings entailed by some new housing forms recently raised in Chisinau which reflects both the abovementioned post-modernist tendencies.
In her study on post-socialist era culture of „private” in Sofia, Sonia Hirt defines the expression „spatial secession” and singles out six different forms of this process:
All cities have lines of disjuncture; only the types and causes of disjuncture vary. Like other, socialist cities had their own partitions - areas of relative wealth and relative poverty, which were separated by [...] borders (the gated and guarded government compounds being the most notorious example of rigid borders). The socialist partition was, thought, arguably fewer. Post-socialist cities have different and starker partition than their predecessors: what are they? [...] I will stick to a particular form of partitioning that I term spatial secession.
Spatial secession is the wilful act of disjoining, disassociating, or carving space for oneself from the urban commons.
• Spatial seizure: This is the act of appropriating public space for private uses as a result of post-socialist re-commoditization of space. It can entail activities such as building permanent structures in formerly public spaces (green fields, parks, forests, gardens, playgrounds).
• Spatial seclusion: Is the act of separating from the city through distance. The classic example is urban decentralization or suburbanization. The process has a rich history in the Western world [...] but seems to have found exceptionally fertile ground in contemporary Eastern Europe.
• Spatial exclusion: Spatial seclusion and exclusion are deeply intertwined. Residential suburbs, which are beyond the reach of large segments of the population [...] are spaces of both seclusion and exclusion [...] Exclusion can also be enforced in non-residential spaces, both urban and suburban. For example, office complexes, private clubs, entertainment facilities and malls.
• Spatial enclosure: This is perhaps the most brutal way of seceding - by erecting formidable physical barriers and reinforcing them with multiple methods of restricting outsiders’ access [...] The paradigmatic examples of enclosure are gated community.
• Statutory secession: This is the widespread process of violating public planning and building statutes following from the post-1989 „legitimacy crisis” of urban planning and regulation. It is part of the paradigmatic shift toward informality in eastern European city-building.
• Stylistic secession: [...] Even though there is of course plenty of good architecture throughout Eastern Europe today, to say that post-socialist aesthetics has moved toward the bizarre [...] is not an overstatement. [...] Aesthetic judgment aside, however, the goal of much new architecture seems to be precisely disjuncture, secession and partition, temporal (from the socialist-era discipline) and spatial (from the public street). [11]
The concept of „spatial enclosure” is the one used for who chooses to live in a gated community. According to the Collins dictionary the gated community is „an area of houses and sometimes shops that is surrounded by a wall or fence and has an entrance that is guarded.” [12] This gated residential complex is then formed by several semi-detached houses or by one or more apartment complex, it usually comprehends a small grid of streets and it is supplied by various shared amenities like security service, stores, gyms and spa, pools, banks, playgrounds, kindergartens, cafés.
Gated communities firstly arose in the sixties in the USA, in order to fulfil the requirements of the upper-middle class retired people, but at a later stage they widened their market to families with children [13], reaching the number of two millions and a half of households (living only in American gated communities at the end of the past century) [14].
Yet, in a rather surprising way, the gated community pattern is not an out-and-out novelty in the Chisinau urban history. During the soviet period, for example, the akademgorod arisen especially in the outskirts of the main cities worked in a similar way to GC. In fact, these akademgorod were little neighbourhoods formed by apartment houses, whose borders were gated by walls and fences, and whose flats were destined to the most important personalities of the academia. According to a similar logic, in Chisinau some gated blocks of buildings on 31 August 1989 Street are dwelled still now by well-known figures of the current political overview: the access to these places is obviously restricted and controlled by police all day long.
Defined as one of the modern „architecture of fear” [15], the gated community pattern acquires different meanings and features according to the place in which it arises. Therefore, in the post-communist context this process have been interpreted as a perfect example of post-modern spatial and civic disjuncture [16], producing social exclusion through new enclaves [17] and as a cause of polarization and conflict, in which the state withdrawal and the dismantling of previous planning control played an important role in the emergence of gated communities [18].
This type of residential solution is still experiencing an embryonic phase here in Chisinau, as there are only few complexes already open to the customers, while other three are on construction.
Trying to understand the sense of such western oriented urban transformations we need to focus on this drift toward an American residential solution with European stylistic choices. During my stay in
install in the audience a top-class atmosphere. Indeed the architecture reminds the round shape of the roman monument, and even the halls and the interior of the corporation office constantly refer to the ancient Rome style.
This second case could be considered as both oriented toward western style architecture and atmospheres and oriented from western entrepreneurs and capitals, as the investment group is the American holding ENCH. What deserves to be stressed here is rather the fascination toward this western pastiche: Moldovan architects and managers and American entrepreneurs who try to convey (to Chisinau upper-middle class inhabitants, could they be locals or foreigners) Roman splendour by means of a shiny, colourful, glass-covered palace
Now it becomes clearer the use of the “western oriented” label to highlight both the aptitude to use western Europe aesthetic codes in an American housing type and the presence of foreign entrepreneurs in the corporations’ investments. This kind of rhetoric is quite common in other post-soviet areas, as Zotova illustrates for what concerns the Russian case, where these housing complexes quickly spread in the Moscow and St. Petersburg areas:
„Gated communities in Russia play a symbolic role. They extend the Western lifestyle – a high standard of living. This explains the widespread use of Western names in Russian closed communities: „Chamonix,” „Italian quarter,” „ Cote d’azur,” „Sherwood,” „Benelux,” „Barcelona,” “Hyde Park,” etc. Their residents want to be isolated from the rest of the background; they aspire not to be social but to property homogeneity.” [19]
Unfortunately, in both the cases I expounded the hardest task turned out to be interviewing the (actually still few) inhabitants, as the security service pledges protection from bothers like a chat with a nosey student of anthropology. Another interesting instance - mainly for its location - which is worth to mention is „Colina City”, a gated townhouse complex located in the old downtown: it is still on construction, but its 27 houses are already surrounded by the green hills of Colina Pushkin Street. As already pointed out, green area location represents the core of the spatial secession process: all the gated communities in Chisinau, in fact, offer a short distance nature, whether outside the city, along a park or even in the old medieval downtown.
Anyway, this process can’t be explained simply resorting to the post-modernist logic, which refers to this new rising middle class in search for security and privacy. Rather it seems that the „gold ghetto” logic contained in advertising tends to arouse a sort of mystic wish to live in a perfect harmony with nature and in the fairy-tale dream [20] to spend one’s life a perfect, homogenous, delimited area could be read as a perfect modernist imperative: the border between the escape from the city and the occidentals fascination (as the winks to Roman aristocrats or Austrian villas testify) produced by the community housing rhetoric is much more blurred than the post-modern discourse noticed.

The negotiation of the urban public space
As discussed in the previous sections, the architectural and symbolic transformation on-going in the downtown and the suburban residential turn share some western oriented features, being both part of the „Europe standard capital” mantra declaimed in several political discourse. On the other side Chisinau has to deal with growing FDI flows, international and internal migration and with the EU/NATO-Russia geopolitical polarization. What makes Chisinau such an interesting case is maybe how these questions come alive, taking the appearances of new shiny hotels in the city centre as well as of a popular culture celebration in the main square in occasion of the Independence Day.
Therefore, the last part of this article enquires how rural-urban and centre-suburbs borders actually blur in the Moldovan capital. Using the term „negotiation” I firstly mean different ways, from simple use to out-and-out exploitation, of thinking and using public space. As I will show soon, sometimes these spaces are used – and then perceived – in conflict with the established common urban rules. The voices “spatial seizure” and “statutory secession” [21], which appear in the list cited from Hirt [22] a few pages above, encompass all those post-communist era (often illegally) built extensions like loggias, mansards and balconies; unauthorized kiosks and little shops; parking replacing sidewalks and backyards. Anyway, the aim of this article is not to delve further into this already profusely discussed topic, but rather to revalue this negotiation including different forms of „agency” [23] as forces able to mould the city fabric.
I started working on this theme one afternoon in July, a few days after my ethnographic fieldwork started, while I was on my way back home from the marketplace. On Alexandra cel bun Street, in the downtown, I saw some youngsters whistling and singing (a cbiui), with aloud Moldovan popular music and preparing a sort of a barbecue (gratar) on the sidewalk, few meters away from the street and not so far away from the backyard of two Stalin era housings. I already knew about the rooted gratar culture, but what struck me was the place in which they were preparing it. Of course barbecues in Chisinau usually take place in the many parks of the city and, after then, only other few times it happened to see people having a gratar on the sidewalk [24]. This links us to two questions: one is methodological, the other reflects a peculiar relationship between citizens, their cultural practices, their neighbours and the urban public space. Let’s begin from the former.
Insofar underrated in the social sciences, the urban ethnography tradition started by Walter Benjamin and, some years later, by Guy Debord taught us to explore the city at a slow pace. The perfect “city animal” of the last century, the flaneur [25], was the first consumer (exclusively by foot) of the modern urban landscape and inspired situationist détournment concept. Later contributions by Ulf Hannerz and Robert Merton shared common view of a city which becomes the place of epiphanies, offering a thousand possibilities. Cities are places where one can find that which he is not looking for [26].
In the same way, epiphany can’t be assessed as a proper research method because it simply happens without any chance to resort to it: in fact, an epiphany is by definition unexpected. It can’t claim to have scientific value, but it can suggest to the researcher to deepen some aspects otherwise neglected.
Even if modern urban ethnography must not be necessarily tied to the “stroll” dimension, moving on foot through the urban grid allows chancing upon episodes like the gratar one I described before. The particular epiphany of the gratar I witnessed represents the connection between the methodological digression and the current Chişinău reconfigured public space.
What drives then some people to have a barbecue on a sidewalk (or in the backyard), just a few hundred meters away from the main boulevard of the capital ? Which kind of ideas on public and urban space does this fact conveys? Of course the most interesting aspect concerns the place in which this ritual happened - more than the gratar itself – because it shows a different relationship with the city environment. The urbanization of people coming from rural areas of Moldova entails a process of re-negotiation of the urban landscape: urbanization leads to city ruralisation as well, in a certain way. Moreover, this migration is historically intertwined with the ethnic cleavage:
To be urban was the practical equivalent of being Russian. It’s only in the soviet period that native Moldavians have been reclaiming the urban areas by their massive influx into old towns, and by putting new towns on the map through reclassification. Yet the question remains: Are Moldavians reclaiming the urban areas in linguistic and cultural terms as well, or is urbanization causing them to assimilate to Russian language and culture [...]? [27]

Twenty-five years later, a new strong actor (the West) burst into the scene, modifying the economic and political balances, heavily transforming the urban environment and re-shaping socio-cultural dynamics by means of new globalized consumerist logic. Getting back to the public space negotiation process, here I try to list some particular nature-city connections I observed in Chişinău according to different uses and concepts of the urban fabric:
1.      Gratar in the backyards between the compounds or on the sidewalks.
2.      Small pastures in La Izvor park.
3.      Baths in Valea Morilor and La Izvor parks.
4.      Chestnut gathering among green areas in Albişoara Street.
5.      Lunch break made by some workers on the lawn of the Ministry of Agriculture, Avenue Ştefan Cel Mare şi Sfînt.
Some of these cases are explained by their „liminal” position between the urban and the suburban area, like for the pastures in the public park “La Izvor”. Sometimes the elderly with a little yard out of the city take their courtyard animals in the park and make a grazing land out of it, but none “cultural” tension could be advised here: it’s just another case of private use of a public space due to practical reasons. For what concerns, instead, the lunch break case or the gratar performed in the city centre it is possible to discern a particular city-inhabitant relationship mediated by nature, or, in other words, a way to enjoy open-air rituals notwithstanding the city structure. Walking on Serghei Lazo Street, at the intersection with Avenue Ştefan Cel Mare, sometimes a group of workers used to spend their lunch break near their workplace, on the lawn of the Ministry of Agriculture, just eating, drinking and playing cards. Even if few meters away they could have found repair from the sunny day in a bar or in the little square on the main street, they preferred the shadow of the threes. On one hand, it seems that there is no difference between a park and a trimmed lawn of a national institution, and this case could be interpreted as a lack of urban culture and sense of citizenship; otherwise, it conveys the meaning of taking a break on a meadow of the ministry palace right in the city centre: the urban imperative to have a lunch only in some places (indoor in bars or restaurants, outdoor in big parks) has been ignored.
It comes now useful to resort to Clifford Geertz description of the failed religious ritual contained in Ritual and Social Change: A Javanese Example: „[... an incongruity between the cultural framework of meaning and the patterning of social interaction, an incongruity due to the persistence in an urban environment of a religious symbol system adjusted to peasant social structure.” [28] Of course our cases refer to a food culture ritual and not to a religious one, but the “incongruity” expression is useful to grasp what happens between the specific cultural framework and its location in the new urban environment. When is not possible to have a barbecue or a lunch break in a park, these are prepared by the way in somewhere else place: for this reason rural, urban and suburban categories acquire rather fuzzy contours. If barbecue or lunch breaks couldn’t be considered particular expressions of rural areas of Moldova, „Focurelul” is a tradition belonging to the Moldovan immaterial heritage and transposed to Chişinău more than a decade ago.
This „custom of ancient origins that marks the beginning of Lent” [29] has been celebrated in Rișcani and attracted people especially from the southern part of the Republic. Corina Rezneac, ethnographer at the National Museum of Ethnography and Natural Sciences, describes with precision how it occurs: The bearers of this custom that was marked some time ago in many villages, lit a big fire, as it says the celebration - a fire at the intersection of the roads, because „there is the place where they meet the bad spirits, which are burned.” [...] They [the bearers] brought with them fire wood, this is the duty of old men, but also traditional food, that represent more often the specialty of each house, and good wine. [...] how people greet each other when they get together - they kiss three times and ask forgiveness for the bad things they have done. After the fire was lit up and the folk music band came (the band is obligatory) people jump over the fire usually, they say witty couplets, wish to the present be healthy, and sing, and dance until the dawn. An important part of the celebration is the table on which the participant put the food brought for this day and they eat together. [...] In the end each family takes fire home and people give something for the remembering of the death. [30]

Organized by both Chișinăuieni and bearers of the southern Moldova, „Focurelul” is the right example to speak of the country oriented city, together with country oriented advertising21 and the feasts cantered on popular culture like the Independence Day and the birthday of the city.

The risk of an „incongruity” revealed by Geertz - as long as we deal with a rural custom, the „Focurel”, transferred in the social interaction context of the city – is related to the three parts play (Moldovan, Russian, European) which represents these cultural expressions as countryside negligible details. The interaction between European standard capital political discourses, the Russian-speaking rooted urban community and the growing Moldovan presence coming from rural areas makes the current context of Chisinau a vivid model of post-soviet globalization process.
Coming to the conclusion of this article, it seems reasonable to elucidate some key features regarding the western oriented secession and its related process of space negotiation.
First of all, if the „spatial enclosure” process generally looks for the nature out of the city, gating the space around it, the public space negotiation frame strives to find it inside the urban environment, even overcoming the barriers of which the city is endowed (like the gratar and lunch break cases have shown). The spatial drift represented by the spread of gated community residential choice leads to a withdrawal on different grounds. The current residential solutions inspired by the „privatist” [32] culture erects walls and gates producing a golden ghetto of fancy town-houses and condominiums. At the base of this housing development lies a mixture of post-socialist disillusionment, a hypochondriac rejection of the urban chaos and the pull factor of new, globalized yearnings of consumption. Insofar they are so much different, this pattern and the negotiation [33] framework share a problematic relationship with the city, but find two different answer to solve it: while the former lives in the city pretending to live in another one (even another country, fascinated by foreign and „occidentals” lures), the latter lives through urban boundaries and disjuncture as il these simply do not exist, overcoming then city-life imperatives by an unusual rapport with the urban fabric.


 REference
1 Irina Livezeanu, „Urbanization in a low key and linguistic change in Soviet Moldova”, Soviet Studies 33 (4), 1981, 573-592.
2 http://statbank.statistica.md/pxweb/Dialog/Saveshow.asp
3 Alessio Piras, La Moldova postsovietica, Roma: Aracne, 2012.
4http://www.state.gOv/e/eb/rls/othr/ics/2013/204695.htm
6 F. E. Ian Hamilton, Kaliopa Dimitrovska Andrews and Natasha Pichler-Milanovič, edited by, Transformations of cities in central and eastern Europe, United Nations Universal Press, 2005: 133.
7 Micheal Burawoy and Katherine Verdery, edited by, Uncertain Transitions: Ethnographies of Changes in the Postsocialist World, Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999: 15.
8 Ibidem, 14.
9 In these two expressions we use on purpose the participle “oriented” to convey two different senses: oriented „by” and oriented “toward”. Of course these two senses could coexist, as we’re going to see after.
10 Ion Ștefăniță, Cartea neagră a patrimoniului cultural al municipiului Chișinău, Chișinău: Ministerul Culturii al Republicii Moldova, 2010
11 Sonia Hirt, Iron Curtains. Gates, Suburbs and Privatization in the Post-socialist City, Chicester, West Sussex: Wiley Blackwell, 2012: 49-51.
12 Collins English Dictionary, headword: Gated community, Glasgow: HarperCollins, 2011.
13 Setha Low, „The Edge and the Center: Gated Community and the Discourse of the Urban Fear”, American Anthropologist 103 (1), 2001:45-58.
14 Blakely/Snyder 1998, cit. in Leone 2011: 1.
15 Nan Ellin, Architecture of fear, New York: Princeton architectural press, 1997.
16 Hirt, Iron Curtains.
17 Choon-Piew Pow, „Securing the ‘Civilised’ Enclaves: Gated Community and the Moral Geographies of Exclusion in (Post-)socialist Shanghai”, Urban Studies 44 (8), 2007: 15-39.
18 Zoltan Kovacs and Gabor Hegedus, „Gated Community as new forms of segregation in post-socialist Budapest”, Cities, forthcoming.
19 Maria Zotova, „Emergence of GATED COMMUNITY in Russia: causes and consequences”, L’Espace Politique, 2012-2, accessed on 29 November 2013. Moreover, the author suggests that the term “community” better fits to the American context because “they usually have a much higher degree of teamwork, share responsibilities and resources, and may offer exclusive amenities to residents as a means of creating a community feeling”; while the Russian gated communities doesn’t present this sense of homogeneity, as it “do not create a community feeling and are not independent from the surrounding system”
20 The Elita 5 catalog ends in this way: „Reinassance City offers you a happy and shiny life”.
21 See p. 187.
22 Hirt, Iron Curtains.
23 With the term „agency” we mean the capacity of people to act independently and to make their own free choices, whe reas structure refers to those factors (such as social class, but also religion, gender, ethnicity, culture, etc.) that limit or influence the opportunities that they have.
24 In any case, preparing a gratar in the backyard of a compound is fairly normal, as some further interviews confirmed.
25 Firstly described by Baudelaire, this character took great relevance after Benjamin’s work „Paris, capital of the Nineteenth century”. Walter Benjamin and Giorgio Agamben, (italian ed.) edited by, Parigi capitale del XIX secolo, Torino: Einaudi, 1989.
26 Ulf Hannerz, Esplorare la citta, Bologna: II Mulino, 1992.
27 Irina Livezeanu, „Urbanization in a low key and linguistic change in Soviet Moldova”, Soviet Studies 33 (4), 1981, 573.
28 Clifford Geertz, „Ritual and Social Change: A Javanese Example”, American Anthropologist 59 (1), 1957: 32-54.
29 http: //www.patrimoniulmaterial.md/en/pagini/focurelul%E2%93-revitalization-ancient-custom-Chișinău-city.
30 Ibidem
31. I refer to summer 2013 Gura Căinarului campaign and to the choices of several food brands, which convey the message: „good like at home, in the countryside”.
32 Hirt, Iron Curtains, 4
33 Excluded from the „statutory secession” and „spatial seizure” exemples.


The article was written by Giuseppe Tateo and published in the book Identitățile Chișinăului, ediția a doua. (Chișinău, ed. Arc, 2015).